National Intelligencer. (Washington City [D.C.]), Vol. 13, No. 1933, Ed. 1 Tuesday, February 9, 1813 Page: 2 of 4
four pages : ill. ; page 21 x 14 in. Scanned from physical pages.View a full description of this newspaper.
Extracted Text
The following text was automatically extracted from the image on this page using optical character recognition software:
Mr. Tai.lmadgeI§iffcech concluded.
4. I am opposed to this great encrease of our
manat')' establishment, because it is truly anti-
republican, and dangerous to tlie liberties of
this people. The history of the wo Id, and the
principles of our own government, call loudly
for us not to jeopardize our safety by foreign
conquests ; for as this spirit prevails in any
country, in the same proportion will be “the ole-
in, nd for armies, those engines of d spotism.
1 cannot too strongly reprobate the doctrine ol
foreign invasion, for the purpose of annexing
great districts of country to the territory ol the
U s. If this spirit is not checked, my tears
will be greatly awakened to the safety, if not to
the existence of our present happy lorm of
government, which should not be exposed to so
-mwere a pressure. It surely*canUot be amiss to
c 1: Mie attention of those who controul the dcs-
tinn s of this country to the situation and views
of the northern slates on the subject of this war.
That my conscience and my conduct may he
without reproach, I take this occasion serious-
ly ;uiql solemnly to warn ’he friends of this hill
and of tiie war, not to proceed with such rash
and hasty strides, least the evils resulting from
their measures should be discovered when it is
too latev
The history of other nations ought to afford
a caution to us, that we do not endanger the li-
berties of this country bv encouraging large mi-
litary establishments. Would it be an unheard-
of event, that otm ambitions .military chief
should lead his victorious army to redress their
own wrongs ? Had the wav of the revolution
become so soon forgotten, that its closing scene
can make no impr ssion on the mind of our
countrymen or ol this House ? Have not gen-
tlemen read (or have they forgotten) the ii.flam-
matcry Tetters which were published at New-
burc, then the head-quarters of the American
army, artfully calculated to arouse thepassions
and excite the indignation of a suffering army
-.guiust their country, just emancipated from
i; :ush oppression ? Sir, the solemn and inter-
es.ing scene rises full to my recollection, and
wai-ns me of danger te be apprehended from
a -lTTiilar cause. Never can 1 forget the sober
red ction of some, and the wild and extrava-
c; ;,t , xnressions of many others, produced by
those insidious publications to the army of the
' revolution. The war was now brought to a
;.ms, ond its great object had been obtained.
The Va> of the army was gr.eariy in arrears,
and that which had been furnished was of very
little value A separation of the troops, with-
out some good prospect of redress to the sol-
dier, appeared to be the loss ol ad. At tins
criti -al moment, the proposal was made, not to
■r.v down their arms until their grievances were
fdressed nor could such inoa.sures fail to
iind advocates. While the Barnes spread with
rapiditv through the camp, and the efforts of
Home of our best officers failed to check the im-
petuous torrent, he father and defender of hU
couiitrv, a.ul the friend of the soldier, now m
u-rposed and threw himself into the breach,
p re' stood tlie man who had so often led this
veteran band to victory and to glory, conjuring
t ,ese companions of his toils not to tarnish the
emit odor of their achievements hy perpetrating
dr rrrriddal deed. Tlie triumph was glorious
and complete; order and harmony were restor-
e i ; and the anonymous author of these incen-
cdurv addresses retired from the held ashamed
am? 'confounded. I have uniformly believed it
was not too much to say, that to the unbound-
ed popularity and influence of that illustrious
:, {'. who now sleeps m his humble tomb at
Mount Vernon, was the army then saved from
disgrace, and, perhaps, the country from blood
i t • to 011? *>.««, bcc?’*ee 11 at
;em’ d with, such a wasteful expei©iture of na-
g-iSd : X tear genUemen have not sut-
ffcientlv attended to tine. Circumstance in their
great zeal to conquer Canada. I si-yTrSeifi that
Tie bounties and premiums alone, as proposed
bv this bill, amount to the trifling sum of
§-60 000. The yearly expence of tins estab-
lishment will not fall short of five millions of
dollars; and if you bring into the account the
increased wages proposed to be given to the ar-
my, bv a bill which lately passed this House,
together with the losses and other expences al-
va\ s Muendant on military operations, the an-
nual expenditure will not, probably, fall short
of eight millions ol dollars. But I will not en-
large on this point, as I purpose to treat the
general subject of expence more fully under
another head. . .
6. Although I am opposed to the principles of
this bill, yet to the 4th section I have a particu-
lar ohj' ction. 13y the provisions of this sec-
tion, it is proposed to take from the Senate their
constitutional right of considering the nomina-
tions’ of the President, and transferring the
power of appointing all the officers necessary
Pqj, these troops (the colonels only excepted)^to
the President alone. To this doctrine cf in-
creasing executive patronage, I beg leave to en-
ter mv n-ost solemn protest. 13y the provisions
of this section, you invest the President with
the sole power of appointing eleven hundred and
twenty commissioned officers, independent of the
regimentT stall*. I ask this hon. committee,
whether they are aware of the dangerous in-
roads they are thus making upon the principles
. of our government,; and thus establishing pre-
cedents which may he quoted hereafter to jus-
li!y other and more dangerous practices ? The
’Tea of urged, y, the hand maid of ursurpation,
has sometimes been offered to justify dangerous
innovations on fundamental principles in gov-
ernment. But nothing of this sort has been
urged to support the section to which I refer.
The Senate are now in session, and probably
will continue to he until after this establish-
ment shall be organized. An argument lias
been deduced from former practice,; and the
law of May 28, 1798, has been quoted to prove
that the same power was granted to the Presi-
dent then, which is proposed to be given now.
If gentlemen will attend to the provisions of
that law, they will readily perceive that tlie
powers ranted are by no means alike. In ’98,
Congress considered tnis country on the eve of
a war with France, and made certain prepara-
tions for'such an event. Among other mea-
sures, they authorized the President of the U.
S. <l in die event of a declaration of war against
the U. S. or of actual invasion of their territory
bv a fore gn power,” to raise a force not exceed-
ing ten housand men, and, in the recess of the
Senate, to appoint the officers. But even in
this case, the nomination of the field officers
was to be submitted to the Satiate for their con-
sideration at their next meeting. In the case
now before us, we are actually at war, and the
Senate is in session, so that there is no analogy
in the two cases. It has even been urged as a
matter of convenience, that blank commissions
could be delivered to the field officers, to be
given out as should be found convenient and
necessary—a practice which 1 am by no means
disposed to Justify. And while I am upon this
part of mv argument, 1 shall take occasion to
remark, that 1 have not :ing to adc of the gov-
ernment for myself, nor for any friend on eartn ;
and therefore hop,- my remarks may be consul
e. -ed as directed to the good of my country, and
f, i- die preservation of tlie principles of the con-
iititit. ion. ‘
7. 1 object further to this bill, because I an.
unwilling to afford any aid to the further prose
culion oi Ins ruinous war, everyday’s continu
mice rtf which renders an accommodation more
doubtful and < difficult. If further progress is
made, the angry passions will be .excited ; con-
quests will undoubtedly he mane, and alliances
most probably will be lormedwhich willjeopard-
ize, if not wholly destroy the fairest prospects cf
oCr beloved country. On this last prospec.,
what patriot can turn his eye, but with forbod-
ing anxiety and fears! When I turn my re-
flexions to the fate of the European nations,
who have been forced into the war with Great-
Britain, and then into aa alliance with France,
and behold them regularly moulded into mem-
bers of that mighty empire, subjected to all her
privations and obliged to partake in all her wars
of ambi.ion and conquest, I shudder at the pros
pect before us, and wish to escape before it 13
too late.
8. But I have another objection to the passage
of this bill, which appears to be insurmountable.
It is on the score of expence. Have gentlemen
suffered themselves seriously to calculate the
cost, not only of the present establishment, but
of a further continuance of the system recently-
adopted ? In private life, as well as in kingdoms,
inch provident calculations are deemed marks
of Sound wisdom; & why should we except our
own country from so important an examination !
Let me not be told that this is no time to calcu-
late the cost in dollars and cents, when so great
a question is at stake. Sir, the question is a
solemn one, and must be answered, and our con-
stituents are entitled to an answer at our hands
Fortunate, indeed, would it have been for our
country if this question had been satisfactorily
settled" before we adopted this, in my opinion,
disastrous course.
We are now callei upon for a loan of about
§20,000,000. If this hill should pass, we shall
need at least 8,000,000 more—add to this the
last loan, which in round numbers may be cal-
led(including treasury notes) 14,500,000, mak-
ing a net amount of 42,500,000.
I enquire, then, how is this monstrous ac-
count of expenditure to be repaid ? Nav, Mr.
Chairman, I ask you if there is any provision
made to pay even the interest ? Our external
revenue, which would in a short time have dis-
charged the whole of our national debt, by the
war on which we have voluntarily entered, is
nearly annihilated ; so that from the ordinary-
revenue on tiiose branches of commerce which
are permitted by law, according to Mr. Galla-
tin’s report, we cannot expect an annual receipt
into' the treasury of more than two millions and
a half of dollars after this year. Our system of
in emal revenue has long since ceased, and
the direct t ixes reported at the last session
of Congress, for some reason, not explained
mo the House, are permitted to -sleep. The
only resort seems to be to loans, as it this fund
of individual wealth was inexhaustible. Is it
then a fact, that this war is to be supported al
most exclusively by loans'’? It becomes a seri-
ous enquiry as to the facility of obtaining them.
By examining the annual report of the Secreta-
ry of the Treasury, it will be found that from
loam and the sale^of treasury notes, there h..d
come into the treasury, in the year 1812, about
thirteen millions of dollars, and that by the sale
of the remaining treasury notes authorised by-
law, about one million and a half more might
be expected to accrue, making in the whole
§14,500,000. It will further appear, from the
same document, that of the sums already re-
ceived, there were furnished by individuals, a-
bout §4,000,000, and by banks about §9,000
000.
If the committee will give me their atten-
tion for a few moments longer, I will satisfy
them from what parts of our country this mo-
ney has been furnished. Mr. Galla1 in informs
us that of the §13,000,000 above named
§12,000,000 of it was furnished north of the
Potomac. If this may be considered a stand-
ci-rt by winch to regulate future loans, it m«y
not be amiss to enquire in what part of the U.
States the advocates of the war principally
reside. Most unquestionably to the South of
the Potomac. I enquire further, in what parts
of our country have the pledges of life, proper-
ty and sacred honor been most abundantly gi-
ven to support the war in which we have em-
barked ? Tlie answer is, to the south of this
place and west of the Allegany mountains.—
If the sinews of war are to be looked for to the
North, and ’he zeal c:nd patriotism to carry it
on h found principally to the south and west,
it m y be useful for us to learn first, whether
tiie war h s acquired such popularity in the nor
them states as to induce the money holders to
loan liberally for its support; and secondly,
whether it will be proper for the government
to offer more than common interest to obtain
the money. On the first point I believe I am
warranted in the remark, that the war fever
has greatly abated in the northern slates. Tlie
manner in which it has been conducted ; the
instruments who have been appointed to Com-
mand and superintend the operations of your
armies, and the disgrace which ha3 hith-
erto attended its operations, have seemed
to convince the country, that from such man-
agement peace cannot he expected. In fact,
sir, it becomes an enquiry of some importance
among the yeomanry of the northern states,
why the people of Ohio, Kentucky and Ten-
nessee should be so much more awake to the
capture and suffering of our seafaring bretliern,
than the people of the Atlantic states, in which
they reside, or from whence they sail.
As a further evidence, that the war has be-
come more and more unpopular, since its de-
claration, in certain nor-,hern sections of our
country, I would turn your attention to the
recent elections. Most of the gentlemen north
and east of Pennsylvania who voted for the
war are now permitted to retire from public
labor, and their places have been filled hy men,
who are the friends of peace and commerce. If
the Vermont election should terminate in fa-
vor of the war candidates, the election will un-
doubtedly be a close one; and as the change of
parties since last spring (there being a clear
gain of more than 3000 vote s to the pease ticket)
is manifestly great, the call to the war party,
from that state, is “ he ye also ready.” That the
war may become prosperous, it must be in a
good degree popular ; and I have no hesitation
in expressing my full conviction that this is
far from being the case in the northern states.
In fact, sir, it. is condemned as an impolitic
and ruinous measure by almost all men of in-
telligence in that country
But I shall he told by the friends of this war
if it is indeed so unpopular, why shall it not be
prosecuted, and this bill pass with all its de-
formities, that our power may the sooner pass
into other hands ?
To this 1 answer, that a sense of duty con-
strains me to warn jou of the danger before it
is too late—a sense of honor makes me unwill-
ing to have my country and its armies disgrac-
ed ; and that ardent love of country which pre-
vails in my heart, forbids me to be silem, so
long as any hope remains of rescuing it from
impending ruin.
I enquire with no common solicitude ns to the
xpences and opera.ions of the last Campaign.
If the patie ce of the committee was not ex-
hausted, I should deem it useful and proper to
enquire into tlie origin and progress of the In
di,n war upon our frontiers. We are yet with-
out any'official information to justify the first
hostile operations which were made upon tlie
Wabash. As it all minor considerations were
o be absordedin the great, contest upon which
we have entcied with G. Britain—Tie gover-
or of a territory commences an offensive war
with the savages ; sacrifices the lives of many
knife St, tomahawk into the peaceful dwellings
of the frontier settlements, and expends the trea-
sure of our country to ail immense amount
Without any enquiry into such conduct. In
better times, such an act of outrage apd devas-
tation, entailing so much misery on our own
citizens, would have been examined with a
scrutinizing eye. I enquire further, who has
authorised the commanding officers of posts to
invite the citizens of our country to flock to
their standards for the purpose oi* invading the
territory of our enemy ? While the comman-
der in chief of our armies keeps himself aloof
from the scenes of action, we find one officer
after another issuing proclamation upon procla-
mation, calling for aid from their friends, and
denouncing vengeance upon their foes. As my
object, under this head, is only to examine in-
to the expence to be incurred, 1 enquire how
this waste of public treasure is 'o be justified,
and by whom is it authorised? Sir, my full
conviction is, that one moiety at least of the
expences of the last campaign ’has been incur-
red by volunteers and militia, and in many in-
stances wholly unautherised hy law. My ob-
jest is to point out the evil, that, ifpossibe, a
suitable remedy may be applied. Lhiless some-
thing of this sort can be done, we shall expend
more treasure in two years, than the net ex-
pence of the revolutionary war.
Brft even admitting these objections to have
weight we must have Canada, say the advo-
cates for the war. It may not be amiss to spend
a few moments in examining this question ;
1st. As to the benefits to be derived, and,
2d. As to the practicability of the object.
I enquire then, if Canada should be conquer-
ed, what benefits would4he U. States gain by
the acquisition ? As to the new lands, most
assuredly we do not want any more. Can It be
desirable to add more territory to our repub
lie ? Before tlie war was declared, some gen-
tlemen asserted on this floor that the Canadians
only waited for the occasion to present, and
they would receive us with open arms, and re-
j lice to participate in tlie blessings of liberty
which our government would impart. On this
subject,distressing experience has taught us the
reverse; and if disgrace and discomfiture
could make the lesson more impressive, our
country will not soon forget it. To lose an.ar-
my and a territory at a stroke, is no common
misfortune.
Others have asserted, that not only Upper
and Lower Canada, but Halifax, Nova Scotia
and Nesv Brunswick must be wrested from the
British government and annexed to our own.
When 1 hear gentlemen indulge in such hold
flights of fancy, they appear to me never to
have seriously considered tlie hazard and un-
certainty of the enlerprize, the benefits to be
derived from the attainment, nor the cost of
the acquisition. Tlie government oi* the Cana-
das alone cost G. Britain more than one million
sterling annually. If she would surrender to
the U. States her jurisdic ion of all her North
American colonies, my decided opinion is that
it would be bad policy to accept of them. The
nature cf their government, and the mix. d
character of itSinhabitrpts, would illy. compoijr
with the genius of Our tree institutions. In ad-
dition to this, the location of these provinces,
being accessible by fleets, and some ot them
having very safe and capacious harbors, would
require a great naval as well as military estab-
lishment to protect and maintain (hem. But
this is not the most unpleasant part of the pic-
ture. I apprehend much greater difficulties
will be found in the attainment of these objects,
than some gentlemen seem to be aware of. To
appreciate the truth of this remark, gentlemen
will do well to review the events of the war be-
tween France and G.-Britain, as carried on in
America, which closed with the peace of 1763.
At that time the British colonies in N. Ameri-
ca tlie u. States! afforded all the aid
tueir power to assist the mother country in
conflict. The expence was enormous, and hu-
man blood flowed in torrents from Fort Du
Quesne, (now Pittsburgh) to Ticonderoga, and
from Ticonderoga to Quebec. The sanguinary
conflict on the plains of Abraham, in which
the gallant commanders of both armies fell, de-
cided the fate of that city.
The frequent and unsuccessful attempts to
get possession of the Canadas during the revo
lut ionary war, may afford some.useful lessons on
this subject.- The city of Quebec, both from
its natural position and the strength of its de
fensive works, may be considred one of the
strongest fortresses in the \forld. Suppose
then these provinces should be overrun by our
arms, so that all the lakes and land north and
west of Montreal should be in our possession;
I enquire if it would be good policy in this go-
vernment to maintain a military force in the
field equal to the investment of Quebec ? If a
garrison of twelve or fifteen thousand regular
troops may now be supposed to be quartered
there, and capable of being increased the next
summer to double that number, I beg gentle-
men to make soma rational estimate as to the
force which it would be neccessary to send into
that country. I presume the most sanguine
friends of this war do not expect that Quebec
will fall during the frst campaign,- and if we
should continue the army for a second, I fear
our present military establishment would be
unequal to the service.
The inference from the whole is, that the
prospect of success is very doubtful, at least
but even if we could insure success, the price
to he paid would far, very far, over balance the
value of the object when attained.
But the prosecution of the war upon the plan
of invasion heretofore adopted will bring with it
a train of evils, not easily to be foreseen. Can
any man in his senses believe, that a proud,
warlike and haughty nation will suffer invasion
upon her territories, and not attempt that retali-
ation which lies so much within her reach.
Must the glory and beauty of our sea port
towns, the elegance and wealth of our cities,
and the comfort and happiness of thousands,
and even millions of our fellow citizens he
jeopardized, to the miserable policy, and in-
fatuated system of invading Canada ? Be as-
sured, Mr. Chairman, the. price is too great,
and sooner or later, the sober reflecting part of
this injured people .will teach the authors of
this war, that their prosperity and happiness
are not tube trifled with, or idly thrown away.
But, sir, when I consider the facility with
which the enemy can bring distress of the most
heart-rending sort, fo the very bosoms of our
southern brethren, I. stand astonished at the
presumption and rashness with which they
seem to court the contest. If gentlemen will
pe1 sist in this bloody vvar, they must be told
that calamity ai d misery will he their portion.
The hand of the assassin is within their own
dwellings, and for aught,! know, the providence
of God permits this awful delusion, that ven-
geance may come on the most ardent authors
and abettors of this wUr, to the u temiost.
Before these awful judgments shaft take place,
1 conjure gentlemen u> bause, and to remem
her tins caution, which it given in the spirit
of friendship, before it be too late. Already have
we heard, and the information filled my mind
ilh horror, that several (housand black troops
were ready in the West, ktflies to begin this
work of slaughter and destruction : and those
who will suffer themselves to reflect, must
know that the nation which we have chosen
for our enemy has the meins at command to
effect die dreadful work. But I will dismiss
this painful picture, with a single remark which
brave men in the field;' invites (hie scalping1 | the subject not only justifies, but calls for.
this, that those parts of the U. S. which
seen\ed most secure, and where this war fever
has raged the most, seem to have already been
visited, and in my judgment must be visited by
a righteous Providence with the severest cala-
mities growing out of this war. In proof of
this fact, look at the incursions of the savages
along the whole line of our western and south-
ern frontier; and if the scene is not too dread-
ful, even to contemplate, let the slave-holding
states look at their true situation, and not hast-
en an event which may even rival St. Domingo
for suffering and woe.
But, say the friends of this war and of this
bill, what would you have us do ? Would y«u
repeal the declaration of war; ar.d deliver us
over, bound hand and foot, to the enemy ? To
this 1 have a two-fold answer—First, if yon
would rush madly on to ruin, regardless of all
advice, as well as of the most fatal consequen-
ces, it is no part of my business to extricate
you from trouble. But, 2dly, I reply that the
path of duty is the only path of safety. The
country may yet be saved by pursuing an hon-
orable, impartial and enlightened policy with
respect to the two great belligerents. Although
I cannot at this time presume to point out the
only proper course which this government
light to pursue, yet following the example of
some others who have ]»receded me in this de-
bate, my project shall be submitted with frank-
ness and freedom.
I say then let this government immediately
take honorable, impartial and tenable ground,
and the country will support us. Determine
to defend our territory, and all the citizens
who inhabit the soil, and hid defiance to all
Europe and tlie world, to drive us from our
domain. Away with the silly Frenchified doc-
trine, “ that a ship is a floating colony,” and
as such must be defended as a part of the ter-
ritory. While we demand as our right, that
ur nutive citizens shall freely navigate tlie
ceari, let us scrupulously avoid decoying fo-
reigners into our service; and if we guard
this part of our navigation code by suitable
penalties, I cannot believe the difficulties re-
lating to a friendly intercourse would be in-
surmountable.
From the foregoing remarks, I draw the fol-
lowing conclusions—1st. That the conquest of
Canada and the other British provinces in
North America, will be very difficult, if not
impossible. 2d. That if we should succeed
eventually in subduing them, the expense in
blood and treasure, would greatly exceed their
value to ‘he U. S. 3d. That if these territo-
ries should be incorporated into the Union, it
is probable, if not certain, that a separation of
the present United States would be the conse-
quence.
The late hour of the day and the fatigue of
the committee, ought to admonish me to close
my remarks. Had I time, and if I could pre-
vail on the committee to hear me, I would
certainly reply to the remark, so often repeat-
ed, that the President had fully evinced his
desire for peace, inasmuch as he made over-
tures to that effect immediately after the de-
clarati n of war. I will, however, very briefly
remark, that although a copy of the instruc-
tions given to Mr Russell was not communi-
cated to Congr ss, when the President sent us
the last correspondence of Mr. Russell with
the British government; yet it is sufficiently
manifest, that he was necessarily limited in his
powers; and although he seems to have felt
somewhat wounded by the intimation of Lord
Castlereagh, as to the object and sufficiency of
his powers, yet after telling his Lordship, in
his letter of Sept. 19, 1812, “ that he did not
expect to hear repeated any objections on
these points,” he is obliged to apologize,to his
own government for having acted thus exten-
svely, and I may even add ^unwarrantably, un-
.U*i- K’>o lii«triiciiuns. He says in his letter,
bearing date London, Sept. 17, 1812, (which
he brought himself, or more probably wrote
in this place,) “ had the proposition been adop-
ted, I should not have been without all hope
that it would have been approved by the Pre-
sident.” Enough has been said, I trust, to in-
duce us at least to doubt the declarations in
extenso, so often made within this hall and out
of it, that the olive branch has been constantly
and fairly tendered to the enemy, and that it
was rejected with disdain.
I have now finished the remarks which I in-
tended to make on tlie bill before the commit
tee. I will trespass on their patience but a few
.minutes longer, while I state one further ob-
jection to the continuance of this war, w'hicli
will be derived solely from the moral state of
the world, and the peculiar character of the
war in that respect. Whatever impression tlie
following reflections may make on the minds
of others, I hope I shall be credited when 1 say
that from this consideration alone, arguments
and reasons more unanswerable than any or all
others, force themselves upon my judgment, fk
oblige me to reprobate the war.
We live at a period, Mr. Chairman, the most
solemn and eventful that this fallen world has
ever witnessed. No believer in the Christian
religion can be an inattentive observer of the
astonishing scenes now acting on. the human
theatre. While the great events foretold in
prophecy are unfolding in regular and rapid
succession, the kingdoms and nations on the
earth are solemnly forewarned how to conduct,
that the calamities and judgments threatened
against the ungodly may not overtake them.
The whole civilized wrorld is now in arms; and
while continental Europe is convulsed to its
centre, and has for many years been suffering
the judgments of an holy God, for her impie-
ties and her crimes, a great portion of the peo-
ple of G. B. have been exerting themselves to
spread] the knowledge and influence of that
religion which alone can remove the malady
and heal the nations. While societies and in-
stitutions have been formed for this most be-
nevolent purpose in G. B. many of our own
countrymen have united with them in the g’lo-
rious work of sending the holy scriptures to
the heathen through the world ; thereby in-
troducing light and peace, and joy, into the
abodes of ignorance, hostility, and woe. Is it
then a matter of no consequence to the people
of this country, that these fair and happy
prospt cts should be checked, and perhaps
blasted forever, by this unhappy war ? And
can it be unworthy the legislators of a Chris-
tian people, to reflect that ihey are now waging
an offensive war, and one which, in its conse-
quences, may be found to be directed against
him who is the c.od of armies ? It is also a
most deplorable consideration, that a continu-
ance in' this war may unite us to the destinies
of those against whom the Great 3i:hovah is
now pou. ing out the full vials of his wrath.
This is the bitterest ingredu-nt in the cup, of
which we have begun to drink. When I re-
flect on these awful and solemn events, I can-
not but weep for my infatuated country ; and
if I had an Angel’s voice, l would call on every
rational creature in these U. S. as well as on
tins honorable committee, and intreat them to
pause and consider, before our country’s doom
shall he forever sealed,
CDebate to be continued.J
From the Baltimore American.
Mr. Canning.—The bitterness of the
feelings of this “ right honorable gentle-
man" towards America, is exemplified
in every sentence of his speech deliver
ed in the British House of Commons on
the 30th of Nevember ; a speech re-
plete with falsehood and gross Calumny
respecting this country. He affects to
be anxious to preserve peace between
the two countries, and declares that he
would “ go to the extremest verge of
forbearance” for the sake of it. This is
hypocritical and base cant, intended to
deceive the English people and the
other nations of Europe into a belief that
the British government have anxiously
labored to keep at peace with America,
when the truth is, that the enemy’s
cabinet, with Mr. Canning for some
time at their head, seemed to try every
method ©finsult, vexation and atrocious
injury, to irritate us, and to drive us into
war. A government, one of whose
leading members has the impudence to
talk about maintaining the “ unbounded
maritime rights of England,” and all of
whom echo the insolent, presumptuous
and domineering sentiment, is no more
sincere in its pacific professions, than
would be the daring cut-throat pretend-
ing friendship for us, and at the same
time standing with his sword uplitted^
ready to cleave or heads from our shoul-
ders.
Mr. Canning, in the true Courier
style, observes, “ that an ambassador
was appointed by the American go-
vernment, who was then tracking
the progress of the conqueror, to lay
the homage of republican liberty at the
feet of the devastator, and to sign a
treaty at Moscow against the indepen-
dence and liberties ©f mankind !” In
this short sentence there are n© fewer
than three absolute and profligate false-
hoods. It is false, that the American
government oppointed an ambassador
to France, “ to lay the homage of repub-
lican liberty at the feet of Napoleon.”
Mr. Barlow was appointed to represent
the rights and interests of his country
at the French court f to demand a full
indemnity for the spoliations committed
on American commerce by France,
and to remonstrate against the violations
by the French ruler of the treaty which
subsisted between the two countries.
These are the rightful objects, and
none other, for which he was appointed.
If he had not been successful at the
latest French dates, it was neither his
nor his country’s fault; it was the in-
justice of France that prevented success.
The British government has no right
even to speak on thi^ subject, as long
as it refuses to indemnify us for the
millions upon millions of lawful A-
merican property which its ciuizers
have plundered and its court condemn-
ed.
It is false, that Mr. Barlow was
“ tracking the progress of the con-
queror” to Moscow ; he was on his way
to Wilna, to meet the French ruler for
the purpose of negotiating an arrange-
ment between the two countries.
It is false, it is basely false, that Mr.
Barlow was going to Moscow to sign
a treaty against the liberties and inde-
pendence of mankind.” He was going
to Wilna to sign a treaty infavor of the
interests and commercial liberties of his
own country, with whose conci rns alone
has he any right to intermeddle. When
a member of the enemy’s government
can thus openly and shamelessly pros-
titute his tongue to the most unblushing
violations of truth and decency, in the
face of parliament and of all Europe, h»
must be dead indeed to every honorable,
manly and dignified feeling of the hu-
man mind. He must be indifferent to
the universal scorn and contempt of
mankind.
This man appears to have been ex-
tremely mortified, and not without rea-
son, that “ after six months open war
between America and England, Ameri-
ca should boast the only naval trophy,
and that England could only say she had
not been conquered !” He has learned
by this time, that America can boast not
of one only, but three great naval tro-
phies, “ while the mighty navy of Eng-
land,” which has not been asleep either^
can boast of none,
Mr. Canning seems to think that the
friends of the British in America are
of “ no use” to the enemy ; he has no
confidence in them. Let the leaders
of federalism ponder over this con-
temptuous language, this indifference,
towards them ; and let them unite
heart and hand in the vigorous prosecu-
tion of the war.
He complains that the British cabinet
has not given a public answer to the
American declaration of war. The
reason, is, perhaps, that the. British
premier, if such a being now exists, has
less impudence that Mr. Canning. It
would require extraordinary audacity
and hardihood for the enemy’s govern-
ment to attempt to justify their conduct
tow Udss America in tlie eyes of the rest
of the world.
From the Democratic Press.
DECATUR’S VICTORY.
Yesterday was a proud day lor Phila-
delphia—more so perhaps than all the
perlormers in the pageant were aware
of. In the unthinking, honest heart, it
excited all the impulses to beat, which
are set in action by. love of country.; to
the contemplative mind it caused the
most agreeable reflections. When Gen.
Stuart, on the plains'©!* Maid.:, gained
the first victory over the French,
achieved by British troops, on the con
tinent of Europe, since G Britain light-
ed up in 1793 the iLmes ol that tre-
mendous strife she cannot now cither
extinguish or escape* why were the
9
Upcoming Pages
Here’s what’s next.
Search Inside
This issue can be searched. Note: Results may vary based on the legibility of text within the document.
Tools / Downloads
Get a copy of this page or view the extracted text.
Citing and Sharing
Basic information for referencing this web page. We also provide extended guidance on usage rights, references, copying or embedding.
Reference the current page of this Newspaper.
National Intelligencer. (Washington City [D.C.]), Vol. 13, No. 1933, Ed. 1 Tuesday, February 9, 1813, newspaper, February 9, 1813; Washington, District of Columbia. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth996064/m1/2/: accessed May 24, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; .