National Intelligencer. (Washington City [D.C.]), Vol. 13, No. 1933, Ed. 1 Tuesday, February 9, 1813 Page: 1 of 4
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VOL. Xill.'J
WASHINGTON CITY. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1813.
[No. 1933.
PUBLISHED BY GALES Sc SEATON.
Three tivies a week, at Tive Dollars
per annuvi—Paid in advance.
;No subscription will be received for less than
or.e year. '
L I,ETTJiUS TO TBB EDITORS MUST BE
POST PAID.
Jefferson’s Manuel.— the Editor
of the Lancaster Intelligencer, having
lost by the fire in March, 1811 (which
destroyed his house, and much othei
propertyj 900 out of ’000 copies of this
valuable' little Work, finished in the
preceding December; has now in the
Press a 3d Edition (u neat pocket
volume) which will soon be completed.
He anticipates, for the Impression,
the patronage of a generous Public.
DIED,
On the 22d ult. at the advanced age of 88,
Samuel Ashe, Esq. This venerable citizen
and veteran patriot, expired at his seat on
Itocky-Point, in New-Hanover county, N. C.
.after a few days illness.
LATE FOREIGN NEWS.
Received by the schr. Water Witch,
arrived at Norfolk from Bordeaux.
Twenty Plinth Bulletin of the French
Grand Army.
Molodetschno, 3d Dec. 1812.
The weather was very good till the 6th
Nov. and the movement* of the army were ex-
ecuted with the greatest success. The cold
weather commenced the 7th ; from that time,
we have lost every night many hundreds of
horses, which died while mounted on guard.
Since our arrival at Smolensk, wd have lost
many horses belonging to the cavalry and ar
tillery. The Russian army of Volhynie was
opposed to our right. Our right quitted the
line of operation on Minsk, and took for it that
Of Warsaw; The Emperor was apprized at
Smolensk, on the 9th, of this change in the
line of operations, and presumed how the emeny
H would act. However difficult it appeared to
him to put himself in motion in this severe
season, the new state of things compelled him
to do so. He hoped to arrive at Minsk, or at
least on the Beresina, before the enemy—he
left Smolensk on the 13th, the 16th he arrived
at Xrasnoi. The cold weather which commenc-
ed the 7th, increased'daily, and from the 14th,
to the 15th and 16ih, the thermonet.er was at
16 and 18 degrees below freezing, f Reaumur J.
Tiae roads were covered with ice, the horses of
the cavalry artillery ti baggage, perished every
night, not by hundreds but by thousands, pur-
ticularly those of France and Germany. More
than thirty thousand horses perished in a few
days; our e—airy were dismounted, our artil-
lery and our baggage waggr,r-s were without
horses. Tt became necessary to destroy a great
part of our artillery, provisions and munitions
of war. This army, in so fine a condition on
tbe sixth, was very different on the four-
.u.ith, almost without cavalry, almost witfi-
a artillery and without waggons—we could
not guard without cavalry more than a quar-
ter of a league—notwithstanding without artil-
lery we could nut risk a battle or maintain a posi-
tion, we must march, not to be forced to a bat-
tle, which the want ofarfillery and cavalry pre-
sented us from wishing—we must occupy a
ertain space not to be turned, and that with-
ut cavalry which protects and unites columns.
These difficulties, together with excessive
qold, rendered our situation distressing. Men
whom nature had not gifted tFith that for-
titude which places them above the frowns
of fortune, appeared alarmed, lost their gai-
ety, their good humor, and saw noth*
ing before them but misfortunes and catasto-
phes ; those whom she had created superior to
every thing, preserved their gaiety and ordina-
ry manners, and saw a new glory in the vari-
ous difficulties they had to surmount.
The enemy who saw on the road the traces
of this awful calamity which attended the
French army, sought to profit by it. They
filled up all their columns with Cossacks, who
carried off, like Arabs in the desarts, the car-
riages ami trains that were lost. This contemp-
tible cavalry who make nothing but noise, and
is not capable of breaking one company of vol-
tiguer9, render themselves formidable by fa-
vor of circumstances. Notwithstanding, the e-
nemy had reason to repent of all the serious
enterpnzes which they undertook. They were
Haten by the Vice-Kingymd lost many men.—
Duke of Elchingen, who with three thou-
??nd men, composed the rear guard, and
scaled the ramparts of Smolensk, was sur-
rounded and found himself in a critical situa-
tion—he extricated himself with that intrepi-
dity which distinguishes him. After having
kept the enemy at a distance the whole of the
18th, and constantly repulsed them, he
made a movement at night, by the right
Hank, passed the Borystenes and disappointed
the calculations of the enemy. The 19. h
the enemy passed the llorystenes at Orza,
and the Russian army fatigued, after having lost
many men, gave over this enterprize. The ar-
nvv of Volhynie had marched since the 16th
upon Minsk, and was going against, Borisow.
General Dombrowski defended the head of the
bridge of Borisow with three thousand men.
The 23d they were attacked and forced to eva-
cti te that position. The enemy then passed
the Berisina marching upon Bob, the division of
Rambert composing the van guard ; the se-
cond corps commanded by the duke of Reggio,
who was at Tchereid, had received orders to
advance to Borisow, to insure the passage of
the Beresina. The 24th the duke of Reggio
encountered the division ofLanibert, 4leagues
from Borisow, attacked and beat them, made
2000 prisoners, took six pieces of cannon, 500
v waggons of the b .ggage of Volhynies army
and drove the enemy to the right bank of the
Beresina. Gen. Berthifcr, with the fourth cuir-
rassieurs, distinguished himself by a handsome
charge ; the enemy only saved themselves by
burning the bridge, whlpli was more than 300
toises long.
Nevertheless the enemy occupied all the pas-
sages of the Bcvesina; Ibis river is 40 toises
broad, and was filled with floating ice, but its
borders are covered with marshes 300 toises
long and which renders it a difficult obstacle to
overcome. The enemt’s general had placed
his four divisions in different passes where he
supposed the French army would attempt a
passage. The 26th at day break the Emperor,
after having deceived the enemy by divers
movements made on the 25th, marched against
the village of Studzianca and caused likewise
two bridges to be thrown over the river, not-
withstanding a division of the enemy were op-
posed. The duke of Reggio passed, attacked
the enemy and kept them engaged two hours.
The enemy retired to the head of the bridge of
Borisow. Gen. Legrand an officer of the first
merit was severely but not dangerously wound-
ed ; the army passed on the 26th and 27th.
The duke Belluno commanding the 9th corps
had received orders to follow the movement of
the duke of Reggio, to compose the rear guard,
and to detain the Russian army of the Dwina
which followed him. The division of Partonaux
composed the rear guard of this corps. The
27th at noon the duke of Belluno arrived with
two divisions at the bridge of Studzianca.
The division of Partonaux left Borisow' at
night; one brigade of Litis division which form-
ed the rear guard, and which was ordered to
burn the bridges, set off at 7 in tbe evening, it
arrived between 10 and 11 o’clock, endeavored
to find its first brigade, and the general of di-
vision, who had set out two hours before. The
search was fruitless—they then became uneasy.
All that we have been able to bear since is that
this first brigade set out at 5 o’clock, missed
their way at 6, took the right instead of the
left and went two or three leagues in that di-
rection; that in the night and chilled with cold,
it was roused by the fire of the enemy which
they took for the French army ; thus surround-
ed,’they must have surrendered. This cruel
mistake has lost us 2000 infantry, 300 horses
and 3 pieces artillery; it is rumoured that the
general of the division was not with his column
but had marched on a head. All the array
having passed on the morning of the 28th,
the duke of Belluno guarded the head of the
bridge on the left bank, the duke of Reggio
with all the army were on the right bank.
Borisow having been evacuated, the armies
of Dwina and Volhynie communicated, they
concerted an attack; the 28th at day break
the duke of Reggio caused the Empe-or to be
informed that he was attacked ; an half an hour
afterwards the duke of Belluno knew it on the
left bank, the army was under arms. The duke
of Elchingen went to the assistance of the duke
de Reggio and the duke of Treviso followed
him. The fight became brisk, the enemy wish-
en to break our right, gen.Doumerc command-
ing the 5th division of Cuirassiers and compos-
ing part of the 2d corps who remained on the equality. t ...
D.vina, ordered a charge of the cavalry by the 1 o this set of newe, hedged politicians, and
....... • men of a similar stamp, is this once happy
country indebted for one-half the miseries and
much of the disgrace which it suffers.
I have been led into this digression in con-
4th & 5tb of the Cuirassiers, at the momeut
when the legion of the Vistula was engaged in
the woods to pierce the centre of the enemy,
which \va3 beaten and put to route. These
brave Cuirassiers surrounded successively six
battalions of infantry and put to route the ene-
my’s cavalry which came to the assistance of
its infantry ; 6000 prisoners, 2 colours and 6
pieces of cannon fell into our hands.
The duke de Bellune caused the enemy to be
vigorously charged, made 5 to 6000 .prisoners,
and drove them out of the reach of the cannon
of tiie bridge. Gen. Fournier made a handsome
charge of the cavalry. In the battle of Beresi-
na the army of Volhynie suffered much—The
duke de Reggio was wounded, but not dange-
rously, by a ball which he received in his side.
The. morning of the 29ch we remained upon,
the field of bailie. Wte had two routes to
chuse.; that of Minsk, and that of \Vilna. The
road to Minsk is through a forest and uninha-
bitable marshes, and it would have been im-
p.->-**tBre'foFtKe army to subsist, rhe road to
Wiina on the contrary is through a very fine
country. The aimy, without cavalry, with
but little ammunition, very much fatigued
with 50 days march, bringing after it the sick
and wounded of so many battles, required
rest. The 30th, the head quarters were at
Plechnitsi; the 1st of Dec. at Slaiki, and the
3d at Moledetschnu, where the army received
the first convoys from Wiina. All the wounded
officers and soldiers, and every thing that in-
cumbered us, such as baggage, &c. were sent
to Wiina. The result of the exposition just
made, is, that it is necessary for the army to
recruit itself, to remount the cavalry, to pro-
vide artillery and obtain provisions. Its great-
est want is’rest. Tbe provisions and horses
have arrived.
General Bourcier has already more than
20,000 horses in the different depots. The ar-
tillery has repaired its loss. The generals,
the officers, and the soldiers, have suffered
much with fatigue and want. Many have lost
their baggage in consequence of the loss of their
horses—some by the ambuscades of the Cos-
sacks. The Cossacks have taken many strag-
glers, and engineers employed in making drafts,
and wounded officers who marched without
precaution, preferring risks, than to march
with the convoys. The reports of the general
officers will shew those officers and soldiers
who have most distinguished themselves, in the
details of these memorable events. In all his
movements, the emperor has marched in the
middle of his guards—the cavalry commanded
by marshal due of Istria, and the infantry com-
manded by the due of Dantzic. His majesty
is satisfied with the good conduct^ that his
guard have shewn—they have always been rea-
dy to go wherever circumstances required—
but circumstances have always been such, that
his simple presence has sufficed to inspire con-
fidence and ensure success.
The Prince of Neufchatel, the grand mar-
shal, the grand master of the horse, and all the
aki-de-camps and military officers of the house-
hold of the emperor, have always accompanied
his majesty.
Our cavalry was so dismounted, that we could
scarcely unite the officers who had horses, to
form four companies of 150 men each. The
generals performed the duties of captains, and
the colonels those of sub-officers. This squad-
ron, commanded by gen. Grouchy, and under
the direction of the king of Naples, never lost
sight of the emperor in all his motions. The
health of his majesty was never better.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE OK THE NEW ARMY BILL.
[continued.]
Mn. TALLMADGE said he felt a peculiar
embarrassment in rising to offer to the consid-
eration of the committee, some of his own re-
flections on the important subject now under
debate, from a two-fold consideration. In the
first place, the magnitude of the question might
claim the aid of more exalted talents than he
pretended to possess, and therefore to do it
justice, he feared would not be in his power.
For, said Mr. T. in the extensive range of de-
bate which has been permitted by the chair,
Lite whole field of our foreign relations has been
open-to examination, and the policy of our own
government in relation to Great-Britain has
been deemed fairly within the range of discus-
sion.
In the second place, the gentlemen who had
preceded, have occupied the ground so ably,
and discussed the subject so extensively, that it
was somewhat difficult to present arguments
entirely novel, to arrest the attention of the
committee. Having a belief, however, that there
were 9ome important considerations, in relation
to the bill now under debate, which had not yet
been brought into view, he begged the atten-
tion of the committee while he endeavored to
lay before them the views which he had taken
of the subject, and which constrained him most
decidedly to oppose the passage of the bill.
Before I enter upon the merits of the subject,
said Mr: T. I take occasion to express my hearty
assent to declarations made by honorable gen-
tlemen, that this is no time to indulge the bipk-
erings of party; and tljat it is greatly to be de-
sired, that all distinctions of this sort were en-
tirely laid aside and forgotten. Sir, I should con-
sider it the most auspicious event of my life, if
I could see every gentleman on this floor dster-
minad to take and maint ain the true old Amen-
can ground occupied by tie patriots of ’76. Al-
though it may be painful to the feelings of an
honorable mind, to be assailed with odious ap-
pellations, and charged with duplicity and
falsehood, yet the mind which lias virtue for its
basis, a conscious integrity for its support, and
firmness sufficient to enable the man to do his
duty, may hope to pass unhurt by such mali-
cious darts.
Standing, as I<1q, in the highly-responsible
situation of one of the Regulators of this xten-
sive country, I hope to have stability and integ-
rity sufficient to enable me to d^charge my du-
ty to my constituents. If, after having passed
through the revolutionary war, and having never
changed my political creed to the present day,
aii odious epithet could induce me to alter rny
course, I should be unworthy the confidence of
my country. But whence, Mr. Chairman, pro
ceeds this system of slander and abuse ? From
the foul presses of our country. To whom are
some of the fairest characters which have-'ever
adorned ibis or any other country indebted for
the odious epithets of monarchists, foreign
agents, tories, and the like I To your import-
ed patriots, who, weary of the dull pursuits of
industry on their native soil; or escaping from
the justice of the laws of their own country,
have fled to this happy land, to instruct its in-
habitants into the true principles of liberty and
sequence of remarks which have fallen from
the other side of the house, but will qpw re-
turn to my subject.
A gentleman from New-York (Mr. Stow),
who addressed you early in this debate, told us
that he reprobated the war, and had no confi-
dence in the administration to conduct it to a
successful issue, but should vote for the bill to
enable them to carry it on. This i3 strange po-
litical logic to my understanding. While I sub-
scribe fully to his premises, the reasoni gs of
my mind bring me to a very different result. Be-
cause I deprecate this war as pregnant with
gre^t evils, if not rain to my country, I will,
therefore, take all constitutional measures to
bring it to a speedy and honorable^ close;
and because I have no confidence in tlf/- • v
tive department of our government, die
SUm>tmtiatB*8g«ltivs v. .. Iwtri appmiHeu t.V
conduct tbe war, I am in conscience' bound not
to vote for this bill, which, if adopted, will in-
tail still greater evils on this devoted country.
In presenting the subject to this honorable
committee, in its most appropriate form, it may
be proper to examine into the prominent causes
of our di pute, which has terminated in open
war with G. Britain. These I take to be three,
viz.
1. The orders in council.
2. Impressment of our seamen.
3. The attack upon the Chesapeake.
That we may narrow the point in controversy
as much as possible, I remark that ample and
satisfactory atonement having been made for
the violation of our rights by the attack on the
Chesapeake, one cause of disquietude, and a
prominent one too, has been finally removed.
It has, indeed, been frequently remarked on this
floor, that the satisfaction offered for the unau-
thorized attack on the frigate Chesapeake was
long delayed, and very reluctantly offered.
However painful it may be to censure the con-
duct of our own government, yet a sense of
justice obliges me to say, that to every over-
ture made by Great7Britain to accommodate
this unpleasant affair, ouf administration' at-
tached some exceptionable condition, which
closed the door to an amicable adjustment.
The committee cannot have forgotten the- early
disavowal of this wanton aggression on the
honor of our flag by the British government,
and the tender of satisfaction which was made,
but failed, because our minister was instructed
to couple with this complaint the subject of im-
pressment ; nor can they have forgotten how in-
dignant the ministry and nation were, when the
President assumed the right of judging what
would best comport with the honor of their
king. Few, I believe, who read the offensive
remark, expected a different result from that
which ensued. And while I am upon this sub-
ject, I take occasion to remark, that in all
our attempts to negociate with the British
government, there seems to have been some
untoward circumstance, some unfortunate con-
dition, either accidentally or intentionally, at-
tached to the question at issue, which has de-
feated the negociation.
It would be within the scope of my present
plan to take a particular review of the British
orders in council, as well as the subject of im-
pressments. But inasmuch as the documents
relating to these two subjects have been laid
on every gentleman’s table; and more t special-
ly when I reflect that both topics have been
very ably discussed by some gentlemen who
have preceded me, &. especially by the gentleman
who has just set down (Mr. Bleecker), l shall
content myself with taking bat a brief review
of these prominent, and I may add, the only re-
maining causes for the present war. As to the
orders in council, it ought not to be forgotten,
that during several lengthy discussions to ob-
tain their repeal, as well by pur ministers in
London, as at this place, they have been consid-
ered as the prominent point in dispute. So,
again as to the origin of our restrictive system,
it cannot be forgotten that the friends and abet-
tors of those measures uniformly professed that
they were adopted a3 retaliatory for the orders
in council. From the first partial non importa-
tion act, which passed on the eighteenth, of
April, 1806, down to the law of the second
of March, 1811—the object has been on the
very face of the law, to procure a repeal of the
Orders in Covncil, and of the Bcrl.tr and Milan
Decrees. If any doubt should remain on the
mind of any member of this committee, as to
this fact, 1 beg him to turn liis eye to the res-
trictive code, and I presume he will find the
evidence to be abundant and complete. In this
system of anti-commercial regulations, I find
the origin and progress of our present political
calamities. And here, Mr. Chairman, I shall
readily admit, that we had grievances and
complaints, great and heavy against both of the
belligerents ; nor have I the least inclination
to palliate or excuse them. My object is to
show, what I have uniformly expressed on
this floor, that our system of non-importation,
non-intercourse and embargo, have been direct-
ed against the orders in council, as to G. Bri-
tain, and nothing else; and finally have brought
this country into a ruinous war. Is there a
man within these walls, who does n t now be-
lieve (as was fully predicted when the law
passed) that the conditions held out to thetw©
great belligerents, to induce them to repeal
their obnoxious edicts, violating the neutral
commerce of the U. States, placed the execu-
tion of our law in the hands of a foreign go-
vernment ? Is there a man of ordinary capaci-
ty in the U. States, having the means of infor-
mation, who now believes that the Berlin and
Milan Decrees were repealed on the 1st Nov.
1810, according to the Proclamation of the
President of the U. States, solemnly announc-
ing that fset; and that they thenceforward
ceased to violate our neutral commerce ? Does
not candor constrain all to confess that long .af-
ter the pretended repeal iff the aforesaid de-
crees, our commerce was harrassed in every
sea where French cruizers could reach it I
Need I point you to the piratical seizures and
burning of American property in the Baltic,
the Mediterranean and the Atlantic seas, by the
privateers and fleets of the French empire ;
subsequent to this pretended repeal, and sanc-
tioned expressly by its authority I If all other
evidence should be deemed insufficient, I
enquire whether the French Emperor himself
h^is not sufficiently humbled this country (if
indeed our cup of humiliation had not been full
before) by his own formal, ante-dated repeal of
his Berlin and Milan Decrees, long subsequent to
the time imposed on the President by the Duke de
Cadore.
It cannot have escaped the attention of the
committee, or' of the nation, that Napoleon’s
decree respecting the Berlin and Milan De
crees, bears date the 28th of April, 1811, and
is explicitly bottomed on the law of Congress,
passed March 2d, 1811, the sole object of
which law was to confirm the proclamation of
the President which had then been issued more
than four months, and the legality of which had
become very questionable. This decree may
be found among the documents accompanying
the President’s message of Nov. 4th, 1812, hnd
on the 46th page of those printed papers.
If further evidence should be needed to
prove the abominable fraud of this transaction,
it may be found in the correspondence of our
minister at Paris, in the summer of 1811,
wherein he remarks, that he had repeatedly
demanded evidence of the repeal of the Berlin
and Milan Decrees, bat none could be obtain-
ed. And yet forsooth, we are now furnished
with a Decree daied in April, preceding, but
not issued until we were so entangled in French
toils, that war with G Britain was inevitable.
If this fact alone had been understood, I put it
to the candor of this honorable committee to
say, whether they would have consented to the
deciHi-atj*M» of wa* Q- Brituir: at t-~r.
returned who have only forwarded their claims
to our consul at London, and who, very pro-
bably, never set foot on American ground. Ci-
thers again are continued on the list \Vho have
been discharged years ago, and others, who
have voluntarily engaged in her service.
The question then at issue,'I take to be this
—shall the war with G Britain be continued to
oblige her to relinquish the practice of taking
from our merchantmen her native citizen sai-
lors. If V/e could obtain the principle by con-
tinuing the war, I think it can he demonstrat-
ed, that it would he injurious to the American
seamen to have it so established, inasmuch as
it would, by increasing ihe number of our sea-
men, necessarily diminish their wages. But,
circumstanced as G. Britain is, contending mi-
ller existence against the most formidable pow-
er on earth, and resting her last hopes upon
her navy, 1 presume she will never relinquish
the principle.
The enquiry has been made, with some soli-
citude, wiuit will you do with naturalized fo-
reigners- 1 answer—treat them hospitably;
and extend the arm of protection and all the
blessings of government to them while they
continue within your territorial jurisdiction ;
but if they leave your territory,.and cause to
go upon the great highway of nations, the
risque and the choice are their own, as will be
the peril. Fut the case fairly to the yeomanry
of our country, and let them und. rs and the
subject, that this war is to be carried on for the
purpose of protecting foreigners while sailing
on the high seas, and I very much incline to
the opinion, Chat they would dismiss the au-
thors of this war from farther service, or o-
hlige them soon to bring it to a close. Sir, I
will not consent to waste one drop of pure
American blood, nor to expend a single dollar,
to protect on the h gh seas, all the vagabonds
of Europe. Valuable as may have been :ln- ac-
quisition in obtaining many great and good
men as emigrants from Europe, still f mist
maintain the opinion, that all the blessings of
liberty and domestic government which-are se-
cured to them in common with our native citi-
zens, ought to be an ample compensation. I
know it is no easy matter to draw the precise
line where protection -hall cease; but in ,a~
question of such moment as peace or -war—the
prosperity and happiness, or perhaps the mise-
ry and ruin of our country, I cannot hesitate
as to the course proper to be pursued.
With respect to protections, they have be-
come so much a matter of bargain and sale,
that having been counterfeited and sold in al-
most every port in G Britain, as-well as in A-
merica, they have long since ceased to answer
any valuable purpose. It has been a fact, long
since well established, that a foreigner who
could scarcely speak our language; couLd pro-
cure a protect Lon in G Britain, pu parting to
be evidence ol his Aineric iti citizenship'. This
then may account for- the lignt and contemptu-
ous treatment given to this species of evidence
by the officers of the British' Navy.
Having thus briefly adverted to the two pro-
minent causes of the present war, the remain-
der of my remarks will hr directed 'o the pro-
visions of the hill now under discussion, which
should it pass into a law, will ei;crease -mr -ry-
lirary to the. number .r oC "
In fac^ tViiijifa' —irrwiino *c-
several other •>£ troops, such as
a-.u for the rear on* PfiW we-.t gi,* > l f fOUH* Severn <Jtn
vpRfcjSP* ffem* of -eontradkaUrv .i— — ( ei'
not. ik my premises are true, and the infer- SMles -
undisputed, since the government h « etmumMimeiTt lymuiff
been grossly deceived and drawn into this w^r,
for reasons andcauses winch did not then exist,
most assuredly it becomes our duty as well as
interest to relieve the country from its pres-
sure as soon as possible.
In addition to all this, it is a singular fact in
the history and progress of this war, that in
five days after its declaration (viz. on the 23d
of June, 1812) and as soon as the aforesaid
decree of the French Emperor was made known
to the British ministry.by Mr. Russell, an or-
der in council was issued, repealing the form-
er obnoxious orders, which had been ostensi-
bly the most prominent cause of the war ; and
yet the President has never issued his procla-
mation announcing that fact, as by the terms of
the law of March 2d, 1811, he was expressly-
bound to do. On this failure of the President
to do what the law enjoined on him to perform,
as well as having issued his proclamation of
Nov. 1810, without possessing the facts requir-
ed by the law to support him ; I make no com-
ment. The account is still unsettled between
liim and this injured country.
The orders in council having thus been re-
voked, the continuance of the war seems to
rest upon the impressment of our seamen alone.
Give me leave then to enquire into the grounds
of this practice, as claimed by Great Britain.
Is it not bottomed on the ancient doctrine of
perpetual allegiance—or in other words, that the
native-born subject can never so expatriate, as
that the mother country may not claim his ser-
vice in time of war I is this a novel doctrine,
either as to time, or the nation who now at-
tempts to enforce it ? I venture to say that G.
Britain has practiced upon this principle ever
since she has been a nation; and it is farther
manifest, that France, and all the maritime
powers of Europe, have maintained the same
doctrine. Nay, sir, we maintain the same doc-
trine in our own country ; in proof of which,
witness the President’s proclamation at the
commencement of this war ; and notice also
the recent case of Clark the spy, who was con-
demned to suffer death by a coHftma*tial, and
was pardoned by the President on the ground
of his owing allegiance to the United States,
although residing in an enemy’s territory, and
having been naturalized or sworn allegiance to
the king of G. Britain. Hence it would seern,
that the principle set up was not novel nor sin-
gular. But what is the principle in contest be-
tween the two governments I G. Britain claims
the right to visit neutral merchant ships on the
high seas ; and if she finds any of her natural
born subjects, to take them into her service.
The government of the U. States denies to her
this right, and asserts, that a foreigner natu-
ralized in this country, is absolved from all al-
legiance to the parent state. The practice of G.
Britain under her principle, has undoubtedly
subjected some of our native citizens to cap-
ture and involuntary service,from causes which
I need not here repeat. In all such cases, 1
take it to be admitted ou all hands, that she
sets up no claim, and therefore every abuse of
this sort is capable of remedy. But on this'
head I have no hesitation in expressing my un-
qualified belief, founded on documents which
have been laid on our tables, that, tbe list of
such impressed seamen is greatly exaggerated.
Out of the number 6257 of American citizens
said to have been impressed, and forming a
standing head piece to the list of our grievances,
I very much question it 500 native Americans
can lie found among them all. The documents
lately furnished by the Secretary of State, if
carefully examined, will serve very much to
substantiate this fuel. Many names are there
be completed, and the present bill sin old pass,
l bell :ve we sffiould ni.it greatly over-ra'.- the
estimate, if we should ccV.si lcr our military
force to be nearly 60,000 men, independent of
militia and volunteers. Now, sir, i am wholly
averse to such a measure—I am.for tifk-d in > his
opinion, by tbe declaration of the Chutrnuui of
the committee on military affairs, who asserts,
that the former establishmeru, if complied,
would, be amply sufficient for all tin. purposes
of the war. I remark then— '
1st. That the troops contemplated te be
raised by this biil, would be useless as id the
purposes of offensive war. To e a lb re..- the
truth of this position, I presume it'will be suf-
ficient to remark, that modern vpirfare has be-
come a sort of trade; that the military lije.jjs
a school into which men are brougb for tui-
tion and instruction ; that it requires time to
change the habits and pursuits of mci, before
they can advantageously assume and und-.r.v
the duties of a soldier; and that; above all, y
requires time and discipline to inure them *o
the fatigues, hardships and. privations of .»•.
cam)). If gentlemen will reviewing histurv of
our revolutionary war, they will find these’;.:
marks abundantly verified ; and I believe T shall
be borne out in the remark, from und.. , 4
evidence, that more of our men perished by-
disease, during the two first years of tii . - '
(the years 1775 and 1776), than we lost from,
the same cause, through the residue of the
war. To what else, but to the. causes before
mentioned, can this great pioriali'ty be ascribe
ed ? M<*u of experience (and I flutter myself
that I speak in the hearing of some, who not
only recollect the events, but shared in the
dangers of the revolutionary war) know, tbui
the foregoing remarks are substantially true.
2. I observe further, that this species of
force is altogether more expensive, and less
efficient than regular troops. If gentlemen will
turn to the instructive letters of Gen. Washing-
ton on this subject, they will find my remarks
abundantly verified. Very early in the revolu-
tion he pressed upon Congress not to engage
troops on short enlistments, but for the war }
and supported his opinion by considerations'c»r
which the foregoing form a summary.
3. 1 consider tlie provisions of this bill alto-
gether inexpedient. What is the present suffer
of your army ? The hon. Chairman of the
military cnrnmfftee has not furnished this com-
mittee with a statement of bur regular force f
nor indeed do 1 think he was in duly bound io
have made such an exhibition; but he has said,
that if tbe establishment was complete, the'
force was sufficient. I say, then, why do ymi
not fill up the regiments now authorised by
law I Why should we bgcalled otHo authorise
an.increased military establishment, in which,
by the confession of its frieluls, t here must be
a vast increase of officers whose services will
not be wanted, if the other corps are not com-
pleted I i .
But the gentlcm .n from Tfcnnesaec (Mr,
Grundy) has said, that the regular establish.
incut cannot he completed, but this 'ne~u> body of
levy troops can. It inis be true, 1 enquire with
solemnity, of this honorable committee, whether
it is not decisive as to tile continuance of the
war! I speak with great confidence, founded
on experience, when I assert, that the war can-
not be carried on successfully by militia, by
volunteers, nor by iroops engaged on short
enlistments. If this bill is to be supported be-
cause the ranks in your regular army c.mnot be
filled, I say you should begin to think seriously
about a peace, or disgrace and discomfiture
will be the consequence.
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National Intelligencer. (Washington City [D.C.]), Vol. 13, No. 1933, Ed. 1 Tuesday, February 9, 1813, newspaper, February 9, 1813; Washington, District of Columbia. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth996064/m1/1/: accessed May 24, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; .