National Intelligencer. (Washington City [D.C.]), Vol. 13, No. 1941, Ed. 1 Thursday, February 25, 1813 Page: 2 of 4
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One of tile gentlemen from .Massachusetts
(Mr. Quincy) could not miss the opportunity,
which this general debate afforded, to merit!oif
the negroes in the southern states. T had sup-
posed, alter former debates, they would not
have been drawn into quest tons, w here there
was no necessity for it. The names'of many
persona could be mentioned who were slave
owners, whose memory wilt he dear to the
nation, as long as virtue and patriotism-shall
be respected ; l will only name one—and he
not a native of the southern states, hut of X.
England, and no man from that part i f the
union was more distinguished during the re-
volutionary war than he was—I mean general
Greene, who commanded the Southern army.
The Carolina^ and Georgia acted towards him
in a way that no states acted towards any other
man. After the war he settled among them—
and-, if Jl an^ rightly informed, became a slave
owtfef. A regard to his situation in that re-
spect'might have induced the gentleman to
have spared his observations ; Jmt they were
also mentioned by a gentleman from Virginia
(Mr. Sheffey); it was not expected from that
quarter, and if his observations were intended
to warn us, he ought to have considered that
others might notice them ; but more of this
hereafter, when I shall attempt to answer some
of his observations.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Pit-
kin) said, that if we carried on the war liliG
Britain relinquished t he right of impressment,
it would last as long as the war in Europe
Ke, like aii other gentlemen who have spoken
against the bill, or rather the war, gives the
real question the go-by. Tire question is not
that si.e shall relinquish any right she may
have to impress, but that she ohail not impress
American citizens, which she has no right to
tib; and 1 sincerely wish the question could be
fairly put to every man in the nation, lam-con
fidenl tire answer would be, she shall not im-
press one. 1 should be very glad to hear some
of the gentlemen stale the difference between
Algerine capture and British impressment.
What situation can he more degrading than to
be taken by fore - frpin your own vessel, and
put on bo. ru her’s to fight her buttles, and pro-
bably agai.isl your own country. Tripoli had
not done us ibe hundredth part of the injury,
which G. Britain has done, and all, as well as
I Dotv recollect, were wining to compel her to
respect our right —and she was Compelled.
The same unanimity now would have the same
success This same Great Britain, and France
her rival in w.ckedncss, while at war, have
acted as if by concert to injure us—they each
interdict our tracing with their enemy, and es-
tablish a licence trade between themselves ;
but, strang to tell, we have British seamen
in our service. Then t|.ie British service is
not quite as agreeable as ours ; hut they are
not impressed, and I imagine not in the public
Snips. The merchants when they want sailors
generally lake the first they can get; but there
is a grea- difference between the merchant ser-
vice which is voluntary, and impressment on
board an armed d.ip. Besides, the British
government refuses to make an arrangement,
by which her sailors could not be employed in
American vessels; her present .-system is more
Convenient; it enables her officers to get inert
wherever they w.uv them—if they can only
find them, no matter whether native, naturaliz-
ed. or foreigner, a sailor is a sailor with them.
The gentleman also said we had done nothing
to protect our seamen, and that we ought to
pass a law, that a certain proportion of every
crew should be citizens. This f have long
been Willing to do, but that would only be a
paper protection, and die British officers wool
not regard it, more than they do the pres nt
protections!—nay, if we had the right to brand
ours, ana W. ,v m do it, I do not know bu they
Would put the same brand on theirs, for the
sake of making them so much alike that they
could not be distinguished, and then under the
plea that they c- uid not tell one from the other,
continue the convenient mode of getting men
in every part of the world by impressment. Bat
are we not now trying to protect them by car-
rying on the war for sailors’ rights and free
trade 1 o ■
The same gentleman, when he described the
flourishing state of -.he country before the war,
forgot to mention that more than 30,000,000 of
the public debt had been paid during the last
12 years, and Tripoli cumpe .lc to respect our
national rights, and that too without internal
tax.or a uix on salt.
He also told us, in the first part of his
speech, that we could not contend with Great
Britain o the ocean, and, as he sat down, 1
understood him to say, we ought to carry the
war on there. It appears very strange to me,
that we should make our efforts where we are
not able to contend with her. I regret that the
gentleman a: d others who have spoken, are
not in the House—the cause of their absence
is known to every one.
The gentleman from New-York (Mr. Bleeck
er) read o us a letter written by, Mr. Russell
from Paris, that contained what he believed
to be true, and his duty to communicate to the
Executive—and his letter from London appears
to be written under the same impressions—in
both cases he has done his duty, and nothing
more. It is however remarkable, that the let-
ter from Paris is precisely what it ought to be
and that from London precisely what it ought
not to be. As tin. gentleman seems fond of ex-
amining the documents, I will remind him of
one, which was published some years past, and
obtained the name of the X, Y, Z communica-
tion; in that he will find related conversations,
not with authorised agents of the government,
but with ever) man and woman (none it is be-
lieved were refused) who would say a word a-
bout a French party in this country, and who
these people w ere, is not known to the public
to this day, except one, whose name 1 do not
recollect, and he denied the correctness of the
statement concerning himself. These good
men, the envoys extraordinary, thought it their
duty t',i send to the Executive a statement of
the conversations which they had, with these
unauthorised people, and a very large edition
of the communication w as printed for the in-
formation of the nation ; and pray what has
Mr. Russell done ? Related a conversation
winch he had with'the chief minister of the
IViiiCe Regent.
When the arrangement made with Erskine
was announced, what a fine fellow the Presi-
dent was; he was truly the President of the
people; what a misfortune he had not been
sooner elected; every thing would have been
right; e was quite a different man from his
predecessor; though in my opinion his prede-
cessor w ould gladly have made the same ar-
rangement at any time ; but how was it when
the British government ref used to rati-.y the ar-
rangement ? The tone was changed—the man
in ibe whee house had taken the young minis-
ter in—tie had made the arrangement without
peeping behind .the scene, to examine the au-
thority under which the young man acted ; and
in some part of the correspondence i w as then,
discovered that an msuit had been offered to
the king, which his minister here nor no body
else could.discover till after the arra-gemem
was rejected ; and which no man can believe to
be an insult qr intended for one.
The same gentleman told u>, .we ouglit to
make war on France, or acknowledge that we
are wrong in mak.ng war on Great Britain.
With respect to making w*;tr on Frauce, it will
be recollected that a gentleman from Kentuc-
ky (Mr. M’Kee) at the last session, made a
morion in a committee of the whole House, to
include France in the declaration of war; that
it was seconded by myself, and I believe some
other member; only ten voted for it; three on
that side of the House and seven on this ; as
for acknowledging that we are wrong in the war
with England, that can hardly be expected—1
believe it cannot be shewn that we are, and it
certainly has not yet. been done.
The gentleman said vve ought to insist on G
Britain to abandon the practice of impressing;
I suppose lve meant American seamen ; but the
manner in which this ought to be done he did
not inform us. lie is too high-minded to think
of another mission, to beg that justice which
she has so often refused to our supplicating
ministers; in fact we are insisting that she shall
abandon the wicked practice in the only way
not tried before ; that is—force. If we were
to send another minister in the present state of
affairs, we may fairly conclude that he would
return, as all the others have done, with his
finger in his mouth.
Canada, he said, is not worth conquering ;
it i3 a curse to Great Britain, and we can
not conquer it. I believe we can conquer it,
and that it is worth conquering, if it was only to
get clear of a meddling and bad neighor, who
is always willing to make strife in our family
It cannot be forgotten, that it has been stated
m this House, that more produce went down
the St. Lawrence than the Mississippi, and
the greater part of it is understood to be the
produce of the U. States. It would appea r
from this, that it was not a curse to G. Britain
and ceituiniy she dues not consider It one.
Whether it be obtained this war or not, It will
be had some time or other. Notwithstanding
ail that has been said to the contrary, it is
absolutely necessary, in my opinion, to the
peace anil happiness of the nation, as much so as
tiie mouth of the Mississ'ppi was. These two
great livers seern to have been intended by Pro
dence, for an inland navigation from north to
south, and their waters, if I am correctly in-
formed, can be more easily united, than some
of the canais already projected, be finished.
I understood the same gentleman to say,
there was no patriotism in the ranks of the ar-
my. My opinion is very' different; bscaust 1.
believe that respectable and patriotic men
have inlisted, though not wealthy. In every
country there is more patriotism among the
middling and poor people, than among the
rich and the avaricious. The middling and
the poor are contented ; the rich and avarici-
ous are never satisfied, and this is peculiarly
the poor man’s country, because it is die only
one in tiie world, where he is equal to the
rich. The history of the revolution will satis-
factorily prove, that there was patriotism in
the ranks of the array, which atchieved the
independence of the country ; ami the ranks
are no doubt fined with the same sort of men
now that they were then. It is not long
since we were told and told again of the
patriotism of the tars, that a 74 could be
manned in an hour, and now it would appear,
as if all countries were alike to them. lie also
informed us, that the militia were good for no
tiring, and that an army could not raised.
L it is so, the war must be at an end and we
must beg for peace, as we have heretofore beg-
ged ror justice. The militia of the Western
country is ri.e best answer to this charge ; they
are at this time performing a duly never sur-
passed. Bunker’s Hill and King’s Mountain
are lasting monuments of the exploits of the mi-
litia; they wera equal to those at Thermopylx
and Marathom
The gentleman appeared to console himself
Witik lijC lCCnilCClU>li tlmf \roju.iu/«n fllR.
Can he or any other man living, tell what wiii
be the consequence of his death on the civiliz-
ed world ! Gan he tell whether it would pro-
duce peace among the belligerents, or new
wars ! Europe, is now in that stale, that it is
impossible to fore.e! now how it will settle
down, whether he.live or die. The Greeks
thought the death of Philip of Macedon would
pin an end to their troubles ; but they were
sadly deceived. Alexander added to them ;
and no doubt the countires which he conquered
thought his death would relieve them ; but it
was a signal for new wars and new troubles.
If we calculate that the death of Napoleon
would change the conduct efthe European go-
vernments towards us, we shall be deceived.
No government in Europe can wi-.ii well to
ours ; it is formed on a plan which they do not
like. We must depend on ourselves, on our
own means and resources ; any other depen-
dence, would be like an idle man silting in
the shade and calculating to grow rich.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Tail-
nudge) egreited that party names had been
introduced among us. No man regrets it more
than I do ; but it is more to be regretted that
love of party should prevail over love of
country. It must be recollected by every man
acquainted wilh the liis:ory of the nation for
the last twenty five-years, that the gentleman’s
political friends began parly names ; that they
bad their choice, and while they were in pow-
er, Federalism and energy were their words. Re-
publicanism then meant any thing oi nothing
Tiiey had not, however, been long out of pow-
er, before they began to talk about Republican-
ism and the rights of the people, and now e-
very Federalist claims to be a good Republican;
ai d if they are kept out of power twelve years
longer, I have no doubt, but Uiey will be as
fond of being called Democrats as they are now
desirous of being called Republicans. The
gentleman mentioned his revolutionary services.
No man respects them more than I do; he is one
of those whose nam s are honorably recorded in
the Journal of the Old Congress ; lie aLo told
us, that he would not vote men or money. I
cannot forbear regretting, that he did not tell
us what he would do, because, while I have
the journal fresh in my memory , I cannot make
a single comment on this, to me, strange de-
claration, which, if he will pardon me, I will
s- y appears to difier widely from the record.
God be praised, I have never said any thing
agairtsl the patriots of the revolution.
Tile same gentleman and some others have
said, that ihe war is now carried on for
naturalized cirizens alone. This, I apprehend
is a mistake, li would puzzle him to shew,
when die British officers wanted men, tLat tiiey
paid any regard to the fact whether the men
Were native or iiaturaliz d citizens. Their
want was the only lule which regulated their
conduct in impressment. The constitution of
die U. 8. makes all citizens equal, except that a
naturalized one cannot be elected President.
It is true, as has been before, stated, that the
great point jno,w in contest is the impressment
ol American citizens.
We bear so much about foreigners, that a
stranger might suppose we were contending
for their rights. The fact is not so; bu.
the time has been wh.en the United Suites
would have contended for then* rights when io
her advice- Dies not every man recoilee,
s./rae of them woo have been in her service ,
whose names are still de-ur to tlie nation. >
I come now", sir, to the question winch lun
been forced in the debate; from my heart, I
•wish we may never again iiave another discus-
sioii about foreign inlluenee. f t ought not io
contaminate our walls; I hate to name it,
to he r it mentioned; the very idea is degrad-
ing to the House, and disgraceful to the na-
tion. Why the idle charge of French influence
should have been introduced, I- cannot con-
ceive, nor can I persuade myself to think, that
the gentlemen themselves believe it. What, in
the name of God, is there in the administration
of our government, or in the known principles
and characters of the men who administer it,
like the administration of the French govern-
ment, or the principles and characters of the
men who administer that ? The principles of
their abominable government are not more un-
like ours than the men who administer it are
uinike the men who administer ours. It was
at one time apprehended by certain men, that
our constitution would be destroyed for want of
energy in those whom the people had elected
to administer it; anil a want of energy in the
French government has never been suspected.
Having already stated my opinion about foreign
influence, I will now state a few facts to remind
the committee, how much more noise would
have been made about French influence, if
France, bad as she is, had only have done that
which England has done; and I do not mean to
say that she would not Iiave done it, had she
been able. Suppose a French officer had treat-
ed Capt. Philips of the navy and his crew as a
British officer did, which was to have the crew
mustered on deck and take two or three men
from it ? what a cry would have been raised
about French insolence anti cruelty ! It is due
to Mr. Adams to say, that he very properly
dismissed the Capt. from the service, llaa
the Chesape ike been wantonly attacked almost
on our shore by a French ship, 11 the modera-
tion of the late President could not have pre-
vented a declaration of war against France, for
so unheard of an insult and outrage. You
will, sir, recollect my 1 laving said that the at-
tack on the Chesapeake was as much an act of
war as the attack oil Copenhagen. So much
was said about this 6 isferration, that I was al-
most induced to think that I might be expelled
for it, and if I had continued to repeat ii, Ido
not know but I might have been. Had France
continued for twenty years to impress American
citizens to fight her battles, especially under
the flag of the great Napoleon ; should we have
borne it ? No, man, woman and child would
have united in war against her. Henry who
has been brought into the debate ; had France
sent him amongst us, who would not have given
any price for the papers to prove the object of
his mission, especially if about tl»e same time
her minister here had received 700,000 pounds
sterling in Bills of Exchange l what a mighty
noise would have been heard ;to;n one end of
the comment to the other ! Had France in
time of peace Iiave blockaded our ports and
killed one of cur sailors, the.public mourning
and weeping for the death of the unfortunate
and innocent Pierce, would have been ten
times as great as they were, vengeance for the
murder would have resounded through every
state and family', and would we not have de-
clared against her ? That it was exactly as Na-
poleon treated the rest of tue world, and that
we must resist him by fence. Had it Iiave been
believed that a French consul interposed in our
elections, he would have been kicked out of
the country and told we wanted none of his
fraternizing.
I will now notice a newspaper which was
known to be edited by a foreigner and one who
declared he never would become a citizen —
The editor made a great noise in the country
by the number of papers which he circulated,
and by his having been fined in a state court
5000 dollars for a libel, which fie tried to make
the people believe was wrong. I mean Peter
Porcupine ; suppose that he had been a French-
man, avowed openly' his determination to re-
main a subject of France, and that in his pa-
per he constantly abused the Federal party and
called ttiom tho English faction. That die
second man the nation ever produced was dead
before the paper was established , the venerable
Franklin ; that he abused him in his grave and
endeavored to bring his name into contempt
by ridicule, nay lie called him nothing but old
lightning rod. That he had advised the de-
mocrats to put on tlie black cockade, (which
they did) and all that would not put it on,
ought to be considered inimical to the country.
That he constantly declared the government of
Napoleon to be the best in the world, and that
this paper, which it is believed never had its
equal for scandalous publications, was support-
ed by the party then in power, the democrats.
Would there not have peen as good ground to
talk about French influence as any which has
been stated ? Again : suppose about this time,
it had been said by an influential democrat, that
the constitution was good for nothing, that
parchment constitutions would not do, that
one ought to be made at the point of the bayon-
et, that no government would last which'was
not sealed with blood; and about the same
time a publication appeared in a democratic
newspaper in favor of fixing a dynasty to go-
vern the nation from their own party ; and in
another, one favoring a division of the states.
Could not those who now think they see French
influence in every tiling which is done, have
easily suspected that all this was connected
wilh French intrigue! That the constitution
had been considered almost unlimited in their
hands, under a clause which was not intended
to give any power, and that under it a sedition
law was passed to operate only on the federal
party, by which the editors of the ablest fede-
ral newspapers and others were punished for
publications defending their opinions, and that
every federalist, no matter what his revolu-
tionary services may have been or his qualifi-
cations and respectability, was turned out of
office, because they were federal, & that was
their only lault. Would not these doings have
furnished some ground to suspect that it was
tinged with French ^democracy !
It is. worth while to examine what causes
are most likely to give one nation influence
with another, and how far they may support
the opinion of the great influence which France
is suspected to have in this country. Language
may be considered the first—people who speak
the same, cannot easily believe that those with
whom they Lallc in their own tongue can be
foreigners ; they intermix in company without
any difficulty, and without knowing or think-
ing that they live in different countries : the
French having been the language of most of
the courts of Europe, lias undoubtedly
been a mean in aiding them to get the secrets of
other governments, and of over-running so ma-
ny countries. 1 have long regretted that
so many of our people were anxious to learn
French. I hope it will never be naturalized in
the U. S. We have difficulties enough to en
counter by speaking the same language with
her rival: the inconveniency of both speaking
the same was felt during the revolutionary war,
and gave rise, as I have heard, to a conversa-
tion between a Mr. Ellery of Rhode Island, and
a friend of his—the friend thought it would be
adviseable for us to lea. n Greek, and make it
a national language—Mr. E. replied, that us
we had declared independence, he could not
cousent to give up any part of it, not even the
angnage, but that lie was wining to compel the
English to speak Grqek. Die sameness of lan-
guage must give tile British an influence
uus country, windy
Marriages identify
countries—in the I
aubjects marry than
power'. Commerce
people of both join
o other nation can possess,
the people of different
I oiled States more British
the subjects of any other
between' countries—where
the same company; and
more of such companies are formed between
the Americans and English than,the Americasts
and any other people. Secret service money—
England and France both have the character oi
knowing how to use it to advantage—it would
seem that it was necessary for people to bt
able to talk together to carry on the nefarious
bargains and doings which grow out of this
fund—the sameness of language affords Eng
land opportunities for intrigue in this country,
which no nation ever did or will have—they,
France and England, are both willing enough
to have such men as Henry' amongst us, and
if France had sent him we should Iiave heard
ten times as much about him in this debate as
we have ; his communication would then have
been a good bargain at twice the sum which is
stated to have been given for it; what sum
was actually given 1 do not know, but if it was
$50,000 as stated, I am content. Places of
amusement—the plays and players of our thea-
tres are generally English, and almost every-
thing connected with them tends to give us a
good opinion of an Englishman, and a bad opi-
nion of a Frenchman—every thing there makes
the Englishman tlie delight of the company,
and the Frenchman the contempt of it. And
do you not recollect, sir, [Mr. Nelson was in
the chair] if you do not, your venerable and
respectable, father would, was he living, that
when we were boys, the old men took great
delight in tailing us that one Englishman could
beat three Frenchmen at sea, and two on land;
nay, we were taught to consider the Fr. uch
the meanest people in the world, and to confirm
it were told they eat frogs—and the English
the greatest, and were tola they lived on
roast-beef and pudding. Our early prejudices
were all enlisted against France—-and every bo-
dy knows they are not readily got clear off.
It mu3t appear strange to the people, that in
this debate the justice of the war should have
been questioned, after so many useless attempts
on our part to settle every dispute we had
with England by negociation, not one of which
originated in any Vt-ong we had done. We
had acted honestly and fairly to all nations—
our forbearance had been so grea , that tlie gen-
tleman from Massachusetts said, some time
past, that the then majority could not be kick-
ed into war ; and how often has it been declar-
ed in this House, by men of both parties, that
we had just cause of war against G. Britain
and France both, and that war ought to be
preferred to any restrictive system—and now
that we are at war, it seems that any thing
would be better than war. The restrictive sy’s-
tem would have produced the desired effect,
had it been continued and enforced— nd our
long forbearance and anxiety to live in peace
had no other effect than to produce new insults
and new wrongs.
While I think, of it, I will state a fact to the
committee, which is this*, that as far as I am ac-
quainted with naturalized citizens in N. Caro
lina, they almost all agree in politics with my
colleague-(Mr. Pearson), though some of them
are among the number of my friends. He ap-
pears not to be friendly to naturalization, and
I am willing to continue the law as it is. This
fact proves thesincerily of us both.
I must return to Porcupine’s paper, which,
as well as I now recollect, never contained a
sentence in favor of the revolution, or muc-
in praise of the constitution, if it was praised
at all: no outrage was committed which it did
not approbate; a few of the outrages of that
time shall be stated—the rogue’s march was
played under the window of the man who drew
the Declaration of Independence. The man who
first took up arms after the fall of Charleston,
and whose body had been almost riddled in de
fence of his country, was a member of Con-
gress, and was; insulted at the Cit cus—Another
member, of no common cast of mind, was in-
sulted at the theatre; a man who will do his
duty in whatever aituitS»n ho may lie placed
—Another returning home with his family was
insulted and almost mobbed ; he is now one of
the cabinet, mentioned by the gentleman from
Massachusetts (M'u'ftujncy). If I was not al-
most exhausted, I would give some of the de-
tails of these then fashionable transactions. 1
will ouly ad l, it was nothing in those days for
a few men to whip a printer u hose publica-
tions they did not like. All these outrag. s and
violations of law, it is believed, were not only
approved by the editor of the before named
paper, but other federal pap rs also. This same
editor claimed to have more subscribers for his
paper than any other editor in the union. And
after lie returned to Europe, he wrote and pub-
lished about some of his former supporters
Had this have been a French editor, and acted
toward the Federal party as he did toward the
Republican, and the subscribers to his paper
Republicans, could not those who look at every
thing now done to find French influence, have
had as good a field to hunt in as any they have
yet found. At the very time these events took
place, the majority talked as much about French
influence as the minority now does; they had
clues, tub plots, ocean massacres, and a hun-
dred other equally ridiculous and unfounded
tales, which circulated for a day. I have men-
tioned these things not with an intent to wound
the feelings of any man living, but with a view
of trying to persuade those who talk so much
about French influence to look at both sides
of the question about foreign influence ; and if
they will I hope we shall never hear of it again
in this House.
Mr. Genet, when he was minister of France,
began to intrigue, for which he was dismiss-
ed. Mr. Liston, when he wa3 minister of Eng-
land, began the same work, for which he was
not dismissed. If the Republicans had then
been in power, and Liston a French minister,
could not a strict examination of tlie documents
have placed it as easily as many other acts
have been to French influence ?
While all these things were doing, and many
others quite as strange, the gentlemen call
themselves the followers of General Washing-
ton. If they be truly his followers, they ought
to adhere to'his principles and attend to his
last sdvice. Kvety act of his went to perpetu-
ate the Union and to attach the states to each
other. I fear the sentiments contained in his
farewell address to the nation, are ge ting out
of fashion with those who claim to be his ex-
clusive followers ; or why do we hear within
these wal.s, the foundation of which he laid
tor union, union, union; disunion sp-ken of,
peaceably if ~,ve cun, forcibly if ive must—and
why listen to idle and unfounded tales about
foreign influence, which can never injure 113 as
long as we stick to tlie old maxim, United we
stand, divided vve fall? Straws shew which
way the wind blows! What has become of
the news-paper called the Washington Feder-
alist ? Tiie name was, I have understood,
changed to the Independent American—out of
that l believe was raised the Federal Repub-
lican—all good names, but why lose the name
of Washington to a paper supported by his
exclusive followers ? And this is the first
tune to my recollection that they have adopted
Republican in their calendar.
1 Iiave heard that federalism is not now the
same that it was, when Mr. Adams was Presi-
dent: we shall know more about this if ever
tiiey get into power again: Ik- this as it may,
every man ins a right to change Ins opinion ; it
is a right which no government can lake from
him, and when convinced that lie is wrong, it is
Ilia duty to change. |Ist I had thought when
Mr. Adams was President, we were told, that
lie followed the plan of Gen. Washington, and
that he was then a favorite with tho party who
elected him, but a great change has taken p’ace,
in regard to him. I always th ught hi an
honest man, ai d think so still. Af er Mr. A lama
got out ol fas ion, Col. Burr became so great
a favorite with the Federal gentlemen who
were then in Congress, that they voted 35 times
for him to be President, when they must have
known that not one elector who voted for him,
intended him for President. Afterwards Mr.
Madison was a favorite, but after, the reiusal
of the British government to ratify the ar-
rangement made with Mr. Erskine, they ex-
amined the matter, and discovered be had not
done right, and he got out of fas. ion. Then the
late worthy and venerable Vice President and
Col. Monroe became favorites. Col. Monroe got
out of fashion t bout the time he was appointed
Secretary of State; and lastly Mr. De Wit Clin-
ton became a favorite; I hope he will not be in*
jured by it, but he seems to be losing ground,
as we have been told, it was not his merit that
induced the federalists to support him for
President, but the demerit of Mr. Madison.
Tiiis does not appear to be a good reason, be-
cause they might have selected a man from their
own parly, who they thought had merit.
But all these things maybe the doings of those
who a former member of this house called the
ultra f Moralists, and it will be recollected, that
all these men become favorites on the old doc-
trine of divide and conquer; and it ought not to
be. forgotten that when Messrs; Elsworth and
Davie returned from France, their political
friends were a little shy of them ; indeed I
should not be surprized if Messrs Jay, King,
Wuicott and Dexter, Should , not much
lunger be favorites. If we may judge from the
public prints, commodore Rodgers is no longer
me, tho lgli he, like the others, is understood
o be a federalist ; but these men will never say,
“ peaceably if we can, forcibly it we must.” I
would really thank any gentLman to tell me,
what is now meant by the party name, Feder-
alist.
It is a fact on record, that Gen. Washington
did not approve of self created societies, and I
have understood that some of the.people who
claim to be his exclusive followers, have their
sell' created Washington benevolent societies
wherever they ean establish them, and that
they are political societies, and that they were
intended to oppose some oilier society ; perhaps
the Tammany. This could not justify the pro-
ceeding. As to msyelf, I do not care if there
was one in every three, miles square in the na-
tion, so that I am left free not to be a member.
We naturalize, without hearing a complaint
from any quarter, emigrants from G. Britain of
every trade and profession, merchants, lawyers,
doctors and even divines; to which m >y be
dded tradesmen and mechanics; they all go
where they please, live among us, and take part
m the politic, of the day. If foreign influence
couid be introduced into the country by natur-
alizing, we should have more of Bri ish than
of French; but naturalizing seems well enough
fi r every body but a sailor, but do not permit
iiirn to become a citizen ; lie will be in the way
of native sailors, who want encouragement; be-
sides we know that Great Britain will impress
am, and we know as well, when her officers
want men, they care not whether they are A-
luerican or English. The native American has
ever complained that tlie naturalizing of
foreigners of Iris trade or professron injured
him ; nor has ft complaint been heard from a
native seamen against naturalizing foreign sai-
lors ; and we have had experience enough to
know, that our merchants could complain and
complain almost against thl-ir ou n complaint.
LA their property be captured, or cxp ciedto
be captured under a new order in F’rance or
England, and more complaints will be made
about it, than the impressing of a dozen citi«-
zens. The situation of tiie merchant when
plundered is bad enough, but his property is
not ttjJton away, without a trial of some sort,
before a judge learned in the law, whose duty
it ought to be to decide recording to law ; he
also employs lawyers to have justice d ne him
—Not so with the sailor—when impressed,
there is no learned judge to decide his case, or
lawyer to have justice done ; force is law to him
and his oppressor judge; lie is put on board
ships and compelled to fight battles, in which
neither lie or his country have any con-
cern ; deprived of the right to complain or
petition ; he is poor, friendless. Great God !
can it be possible, that vve shall yield the point
of impressment,for the s ke of carry ing on a.
little trifling trade by hook or by crook.
All agree, that we ouglit to fight for the
rights, of native seamen, and all ag'ree that
some of them have been impressed; why not
all then join heart in hand to maintain their
rights ? Is it because the British officers im-
press from our vessels others besides natives ?
Dus cannot lessen their just claim to the pro-
tection of their country. We have, howe-
ver, been told,that only' 93 persons wore impres-
sed in one year from American vessels—if ohly
o of them had bet n the sons of the gentleman
(Mr. Lmott) who gave the information, I ask,
would lie have been contented with the long
investigation of documents, to ascertain if any
of the diplomatic meanders turned tovvarcjsaf
French influence. No sir, he would not; hdf
would have demanded of the National Govern-
ment to have his children restored to his arms ;
he could demand this in a way to be heard—
Far dillerent is the case with these unfortunate
parents, who have had their sons impressed;
they are too poor and friendless to be heard—
the rights of ;he nation mayr be abandon-
ed by little and little, till none be lefi; exact-
lv as you may take a cent at a time from
£>1U00, till none be left. All must determine
to protect American seamen on board American
vessels or not hereafter pretend to claim any.'
jurisdiction over the vessels when thev are out
of the limits of the United S-.ales, If a single
citizen should be impressed on American land,
tlie whole nation would, be in a flame ; the right
to pro ection ts the same, whether on Ameri-
can land or an American vessel.
It has been said, that we do not act ju3tlv;
that we encourag Briti-.h seamen to run away,
because we do not apprehend them and send
them back when the., have run away from their
vessels ; they run away before our people see
them, ot course there is no encouragement to
t.ie running away. As to the sending them
back, we are not bound to do it; and if it de-
pended on me, one should never be scut back,
until tne British ceased impressing and plun-
dering our citizens, and I would agree that
every man who engaged in the war on our side
should have the light to be naturalized, though
lie fi d from British nav«J tyranny.
It is remarkable, that while we hear not a
w.,rd Saul to justify England for impressing
and plundering the people of the United States,
that so much should have been se.id to prove
that wi ought not to have gone to vv..r with ner,
and that we we were wrong in doing so. This
s tne best w y th ,t could have , ten devised to
keep her aggressions ou of view; not to say a
word about ’him, and talk a g.e.it deal about
die uni us hips of war and the taxes which must
oe imposed to car,y it on, winding up all their
lamentations for die state of the country, with,
it it was not for th.; war, a little trade could be
carried on. Impressment then is a mere trifle
compared with this rade, and it may be that
Great Britain understands it so, and is willing
io gratify us yi.h tins 1 trade for kin sake, as
Dug as we are con rented to be impressed for
kin saxe. Die citizen* who are impressed,
wouiu tell hjr, if .einnu would release them,
that nations ure no kin.,
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National Intelligencer. (Washington City [D.C.]), Vol. 13, No. 1941, Ed. 1 Thursday, February 25, 1813, newspaper, February 25, 1813; Washington, District of Columbia. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth996087/m1/2/: accessed May 20, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; .