The Star State Patriot (Marshall, Tex.), Vol. 3, No. 1, Ed. 1 Thursday, April 4, 1850 Page: 1 of 4
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J. A. JONES & T. A HARRIS—EDITORS.
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MARSHALL, TEXAS. APHIL 4,
M ullPi
NO. 105.
THE STAR STATE PATRIOT,
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SPEECH OF BON. J. €. CALHOUN,
, on the slavery question.
Delivered in the United Stales ¡t enate, March 4, 1850.
I have, Senators, believed from the first that the
agitation of the subject of slavery would, if not pre-
vented by some timely and effective measure, end in
disunion. Entertaining this opinion, I have, on all
proper occasions, endeavoured to call the attention of
the two great parties which divide the country to in-
duce them to adopt some measure to prevent so great
a disaster, bat without successs. The agitation has
been permitted to proceed, with almost no attempt to
resist it, until it has reached a period when it can no
longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in dan-
ger. You have thus had forced upon you the greatest
and the gravest question that can ever come under
your consideration: How can the Union be pre-
erved?
To give a satisfactory -answer to this mighty ques-
tion, it is indispensable to have an accurate and thor-
ough knowledge of the nature and the character of
. the cause by which thé Union is endangered. With-
out such knowledge it is impossible to pronounce,
with any certainty, by what measure it can be saved;
just as it would be impossible for a physician to pro-
nounce in the case of some dangerous disease, with
any certainty, by what remedy the patient could he
saved, without similar knowledge of the nature and
chapter of the cause of the disease. The first ques-
tion, then, presented for consideration, in the investi-
gation I propose to make, in order to obtain such
knowledge, is: What is it that has endangered the
Union? I.
To this question there can be but one answer: that
the immediate cause is the almost universal discon-
tent which pervades all the States composing tho
Southern section of the Union. This widely exten-
ded discontent is rR>t of recent origin. It commenccd
with the agitation of the slavery question, and has
been increasing ever since. The next question, going
■?3«csrep nonopfj filis Wjilr-
ratified and the Government put in action, has bee11
destroyed. At that time there was nearly a perfect
equilibrium between the two, which afforded ample
means to each to protect itself against the aggressions
of the other; but, as it now stands, one section has
the exclusive power of controlling the Government,
which leaves the other without any adequate means
of protectingptself against its encroachment and op-
pression. To place the subject distinctly before you,
I have, Senators, prepared a brief statistical statement
showing the relative weight of the two sections in
the Government under the first census of 1790 and
the last census of 1840.
According to the former, the population of the U-
nited States, including Vermont, Kentucky, and Ten-
nessee, which then were in their incipient condition
of becoming States, but were not actually admitted,
amounted to 3,929,827. Of this number the North-
ern States had 1,977,899, and the Southern 1,952,072,
making a difference of only 25,827 in favor of the
former States. The number of States, including
Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee, were sixteen:
of which eight, including Vermont, belonged to the
Northern section, and eight, including Kentucky and
I have not included the territory recently acquired
by the treaty with Mexico. The North is making
the most strenuous efforts to apppropriate the whole
to herself, by excluding the South, from every foot
of it. If she should succeed, it will add to that from
which the South has already been excluded, 326,078
square miles, and would increase the whole, which
the North has appropriated to herself to 1,764,023,
not including the portion that she may suceed in ex-
cluding us from in Texas. To sum up the whole,
the United States, since they declared their indepen-
dence, have acquired 2,373,046 square miles of terri-
tory, from which the North will have excluded the
South, if she should succeed in monopolizing the
newly acquired territories, about three-fourths of the
whole, leaving to the South but about one-fourth-
Such is the first great cause that has destroyed
the equilibrium between the two sections in the Gov-
ernment.
The next is the system of revenue and disburse-
ments which has been adopted by the Government.
It is well known that the Government has derived
its revenue mainly from duties on imports. I shall
not undertake to showiliat s*eh duties must neces-
TennesBee, to the Sout&érn, making a¡: equal divisinn sarily tali mainly on the exporting States, and that
nf t1— *""* under the j the ¡¡south, as the great exporting portion of the Un£
first census. Tíiérfe -.vas a small preponderance in ; on. has in reality paid vastly njt >e than her due pro-
file House of Representatives, and in the electoral j portion of the revenue; because I deem it unneces-
college, in favor of the Northern, owing to the fact ¡ sary. as the subject has on so many occasions beeii
that, according to the provisions of the Constitution, fully discussed. Nor shall 1. for the s;trao reason,
in estimating federal numbers, five slaves count but
three; but it was too small to affect, sensibly, the
perfect equilibrium, which, with that exception, exis-
ted at the time. Such was the equality of the two
sections when the States composing them agreed to
enter into a Federal Union. Since then the equili-
brium between them has been greatly disturbed.
According to the last census the aggregate popula-
tion of the United States amounted to 17,063,357, of
which the Northern section contained 9,728,920, and
the Southern 7,334,437, making a difference in round
numbers of 2,400,000. The number of States had
increased from sixteen to twenty-six, making an ad-
dition of ten States. In the meantime the position
of Delaware had become dcubtful as to which section
she properly belongs. Considering her as neutral,
the Northern States-will have thirteen and the South-
ern States twelve, making a difference in the Senate
of two Senators in favor of the former. According
to the apportionment under the census of 1840, there
were 223 members of the House of Representatives,
of which the Northern States had 135, and the South-
ern States (considering Delaware as neutral) 87,
making a dfference in favor of the former,in the House
of Representatives, of 48. The difference in the Sen-
ate of two members, added to this, gives to the North,
in the Electoral College, a majority of 50. Since
the census of 1840, four States have been added to
the Union: Iowa, Wisconsin, Florida, and Texas.—
They leave the difference in the Senate as it stood,
when the censns wis taken; but add two to the side
of the North, in the House, making the present ma-
jority in the House in its favor of 50, and in the Elec-
toral College of 52.
The result of the whole is to give the Northern
section a predominance in every department of the
Government, and thereby concentrate in it the two
elements which constitute the Federal Government;
a majority of the States and a majority of the popu-
lation estimated in federal numbers. Whatever sec-
tion concentrates the two in_ itsself, possesses the
control of the entire Government.
But we are just at the close of the sixth decade,
and the commencement of the seventh. The census
is to be taken this ydar, which must add greatly to the
t.h« North in the House of
Representatives and in the electoral*college.-The 'tHe-egoilibriinn-betwean the*ra-asrt«Qg« *W «xis-
prospect is, also, that a great increase will be added to
discussed. Nor
undertake to show, that a far greater portion of the
revenue has been disbursed at the North, than its due
share; and that the joint effect of these causes has
been, to transfer a vast amount from South to North,
which under an equal system of revanue and dis-
bursements, would not have been lost to her. If to
this be added that many of the duties were imposed,
not for revenue, but for protection—that is, intended
to put money, not in the Treasury, but directly into
the pocket of the manufacturers—some conception
may be formed of the immense amount which, in the
long course of sixty years, has been transferred from
South to North. There are no data by which it can
be estimated with any certainty: but it is safe to say,
that it amounts to hundreds of millions of dollars.
Under the most moderate estimate, it would be suffi-
cient to add greatly to the wealth of the North, and
thus greatly increase her population by attracting
emigration from all quarters to that section.
This, combined with the great and primary cause,
amply explains why the North has acquired a prepon-
derance over every department of the Government,
by its disproportionate increase of population and
States. The former, as has been shown, has in-
creased, in fifty years, 2,400,000 over that of the
South. This increase of population, during so long
a period, is satisfactorily accounted for, by the num-
ber of emigrants, and the increase of their descend-
ants, which have been attracted to the Northern sec-
tion from Europe and the South, in consequence of
the advantages derived from the causes assigned.—
If they had not existed—if the South had retained
all the capital which has been extracted from her by
the fiscal action ol the Government; and, if it had
not been excluded by the ordinance of '87,rand the
Missouri compromise, from the region lying between
the Ohio and the Mississippi Rivers, and between the
Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains, north of 36
deg. 30 min.—it scarcely admits of a doubt, that she
would have divided the emigration with the North,
and, by retaining her own people, would have at least
equaled the North in population, under the census of
1840, and probably under that about to be taken.—
She would also, if she had retained her equal rights,
in those Territories, maintained an equality in the
number of States with the North, and have preserved
ly diffused and almost universal discontent ?
. It is a great mistake to suppose, as some have done,
that it originated with demagogues, who excited the
discontent with the intention of aiding their personal
advancement, or with the disappointed ambition of
certain politicians, who resorted to it as the means of
retrieving their fortunes. On the contrary, all the
great political influences of the section were arrayed
against excitement, and exerted to the utmost to keep
ihe people quiet. The great mass of the people of
the South were divided, as in the other section, into
Whigs and Democrats. The leaders and the presses
of both parties m the South, were very solicitous to
prevent excitement and preserve quiet; because it
was seen that the effects of the former would neces-
sarily tend to weaken ,if not destroy, the political ties
which united them with their respective parties irtihe
other section. Those who know the strength of par-
ty ties, will readily appreciate the immense force
which this cause exerted against agitation, and in
favor of preserving quiet. But, as great as it was,
it was not sufficiently so to prevent the wide spread
its present preponderance in the Senate, during the
period of the decade, by the addition of new States.
Two territories, Oregon and Minnesota, are already
in progress, and strenuous efforts are making to bring
in tliree additional States from the territory recently
conquered from Mexico, which, if successful, will
add three other States, in a short time to the Northern
section, making five States, and increasing the pres-
ent number of its States from fifteen to twenty, and
of its Senators from thirty to forty. On the contrary,
there is not a single Territory in progress in the
Southern section, and no certainty that any additional
State will be added to it during the decade. The
prospect then is, that the two sections in the Senate,
should the efforts now made to exclude the South
from the newly acquired Territories succeed, will
stand, before the end of the decade, twenty Northern
States to twelve Southern, (considering Delaware as
neutral) and forty Northern Senators to twenty-four
Southern. This great increase of Senators, added
to the great increase of members of the House of
Representatives and the electoral college on the part
of the North, which must take place under the next
decade, will effectually and irretrievably destroy the
equilibrium which existed when the Government com-
mencéd.
Had this destruction been the operation of time,
without the interference of Government, the South
would have had no reason to complain; but such was
not the fact. It was caused by the legislation of this
Government, which was appointed as the common
agent of all, and charged with the protection of the
interests and security of all. The legislation by
which it has been effected, may be classed under three
heads. The first is, that series of acts by which the
South has been excluded from the common Territory
belonging to all of the States, as the members of the
Federal Union, and which have had the effect of ex-
tending vastly the portion allotted to the Northern
section, and restricting within narrow limits, the por-
tion left the South. The next consists in adopting a
system revenue and disbursements, by which an un-
due proportion of the burden of taxation has been
imposed upon-the South, and an undue proportion of
its proceeds appropriated to the North; and the last
is a system of political measures by which the original
di&racter of the Government has been radically chan-
ged' I prppose* to ficstow-" upon- trttch of thoeo, in
the order tSey stand, a few remarks, with tha view
of showing that it isowingto the action of this Gov-
ernment ihaWhe equilibrium between the two sec-
tions has been destroyed, and the whole powers of
the system centered in a sectional majority.
The first of the series of acts by which the South
was deprived of its due share of the Territories,
originated with the Confederacy, which preceeded
the existence of this Government. It is to be found
in the provision of the Ordinance of 1787. Its ef-
fect was to exclude the South entirely from that vast
and fertile region which lies between the Ohio and
Mississippi rivers, now embracing five States and
one T erritory. The next of the series is the Mis-
souri Compromise, which excludes the South from
that large portion of Louisiana which lies North of
36a 30', excepting what is included in the State of
Missouri. The last of the series excluded the South
from the whole of the Oregon Territory. All these,
in tin slang of the day, were what is called slave ter-
ritories, and not free soil; that is, territories belong-
discontent which now pervades the section. No: some jing to slaveholding powers, and open to the emigra-
cause, far deeper and mora powerful than the one
supposed, must exist, to account for discontent so
wide and deep. The question then, recurs: What is
the cause of this discontent ? It will be found in che
belief of the people of the Southern States, as prev-
alent as the discontent itself, that they caunot remain,
as thinors now are,consistently with honor and safety,
in the Union. The next question to be considered is:
What has caused this belief?
One of the causes is, undoubtedly, to be traced to
the long-continued agitation of the slave question on
tho part of the North, and the many aggressions
which they have made on the rights of the South
.¿luring the time. I will not enumerate them at pres-
ent, as it will be dona hereafter in its proper place.
There is another lying back of it, with which this
is intimately-connected, that may be regarded as the
great and primary cause. It is to be found in the fact
that the equilibrium between the two sections in the
Government, 43 it stood when the Constitution was
tioa of masters with their slaves. By these several
acts, the South was excluded from 1,238,025 square
miles, an extent of country considerably exceeding
the entire valley of the Mississippi. To the South
was left the portion of the Territory of Louisiana
lying South of 36° 30', and the portion North of it
included in the State of Missouri. The portion lying
South of 36° 30', including the States of Louisiana
and Arkansas, and the territory lying west of the
latter and South of 36" 30', called the Indian coun-
try. This, wiUi the Territory of Florida, now the
State, makes the whole, 282,503 square miles. To
this must be added the territory acquired with Texas.
If the whale should be added to the Southern sec-
tion, it would make an increase of 325,520, which
would mak'e the whele left to the South 609,023.—
But a large part of Texas is still in contest between
the two sections, which leaves it uncertain what will
be the real extent of the portion of territory that
may be left to the "South.
it-asa blot anda stain on the character of what they
call the Nation, and feel themselves accordingly
bound to give it no coi
contrary, the Southern
as one which cannot
the tw<).races to
to poverty, desolation,
dingiylW feel bound f
161Tb¡íhos^íeSaff^ U"
wards
dormatt, bat it'
would jnake the impression on
mos; intensely, that they were „
conánriance, to call it into action.
power.of this Government, and the c
Northern section over all its departments,
the cause. It was this which made an
ion onjthe minds of many, that there was
restraint to prevent the
it might ehoose to do;
'to'put the most fanaticaf
in ac tion for the j[
petwéén
isfraa:
$. On the
e
ofin-
the
i for its
of the
he snapped, until the whole fabric falls astfiider.—
Already the agitation of the slavery ^ ■
T the most important,
jfrpatly
The i
dene
the i
from-
ted at the commencement of the Government. 'ÍTié^^!'0^11 „ .
loss then of the equilibrum, is to be attributed to the Had my voice been heeded, and had Congress refused
prat órgsniiíed movlmeRt . .
" * Fáíif
efgfe&awi; -aressñ* established: lecturers sent forth {ations, from al! pasta, w
to escita ihe people of the North, and incendiary: act ¡,u.sino.:w rchtiV to
pubheationsscattered ovor the whole South, through | [t was „,)t confined tQ what appertained to tho
the mal. Ihe South was thoroughly aroused.— „ i
Meeting were held everywhere, and resolutions a- '' . v norn"
dópted, calling upon the North to apply a remedy to
arrest the threatened evil, and pledging themselves to
adopt measures for their own protection, if it was
not arreited. At the meeting of Congress petitions
poured jn from the North, calling upon Congress to
abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia, and to
prohibitwhat they called the internal-slave trade be-
tween tie States, announcing at the same time, that
their ultimate object was to abolish slavery, not only
in the District, but in the States, and throughout the
Union At this period, the number engaged in the
agitation was small, and possessed little or no per-
sonal influence.
Neither party in Congress had, at that time, any
sympathy with them, or their cause. The members
of eaeh party presented their petitions with great re-
lnctaace. Nevertheless, as small and contemptible
as the party then was, both of the great parties of
the Worth dreaded them. They felt, that though
smal', they were organized in reference to a subject
whica had a great and a commanding influence over
the Northern mind. Each party, on that account,
feared to oppose their petitions, lest the opposite par-
ty should take advantage of the one who might, by
favoring their petitions. The effect was that both
mitedin insisting that the petitions should be receiv-
ed, and .hat Congress should take jurisdiction of the
subject for which they prayed. To justify their
course, they took the extraordinary ground, that Con-
gress was bound to receive petitions on every subject,
nowever objectionable it might be, and whether they
had or had not jurisdiction over the subject. These
views prevailed in the House of Representatives, and
partially in the Senate, and thus the party succeeded
in their first movements in gaining what they pro-
posed—a position in Congress from which agitation
could be extended over the whole Union. This was
the commencement of the agitation, which has ever
since continued, and which, as is now acknowledged,
lias endangered the Union itself.
As for myself, I conceived at that early period,if the
party who got up the petitions should succeed in get-
ting Congress to take jurisdiction, that agitation
would follow, and that it would, in the end, if not ar-
rested, destroy the Union. I then so expressed my-
called unon both partirs to take
against ass
fr-
action of this Government'
But while these measures were destroying the e-
quilibrum between the two sections, the action of the
Government was leading to a radical change in its
character, by concentrating all the power of the sys-
tem in itself. The occasion will not permit me to
trace the measures by which this great change has
been consummated. If it did, it would not be diffi-
cult to show that the process commenced at an early-
period of the Government; that it proceeded almost
without interruption, step by step, until it absorbed
virtually its entire powers; but without going through
the whole process to establish the fact, it may be
done satisfactorily by a very short statement.
That the Government claims, and practically main- ,
tains, the right to decide in the last resort, as to the
extent of its powers, will scarcely be denied by any-
one conversant with the political history of the coun-
try. That it also claims the fight to resort to force,
to maintain whatever power it claims, against all op-
position, is equally certain. Indeed it is apparent,
from what we daily hear, that this has become the
prevailing and fixed opinion of a great majority of
the community. Now, I ask, what limitation can
possibly be placed upon the powers of a government
claiming and exercising such rights ? And, if none
can be, how can the separate governments of the
States maintain and protect the powers reserved to
them by the Constitution, or the people of the sever-
al States maintain those which are reserved to them,
and among others, the sovereign powers by wliich
they ordained and established, not only their seperate
State Constitutions and Governments, but also the
Constitution and Government of the United States?
But, if they have no constitutional means of main-
taining them against the right claimed by this Gov-
ernment, it necessarily follows, that they hold them
at its pleasure and discretion, and that all the powers
of the system are in reality concentrated in it. It al-
so follows, that the character of the Government has
been changed in consequence, from a federal Repub-
lic, as it originally came from the lands of its framers,
into a great national conelidated democracy. It has
indeed, at present,all the characteristics of the latter,
and not one of the former, although it still retains its
outward form.
Thp rp^ult o_f the whole of these causes combin-
ed is, that the North has acquired a ducfüeü ujumxyUsi-
cy over every department of this Government, and
through it, a control over all the powers of the sys-
tem. A single section governed by the will of the
numerical majority, has now, in fact, the control of
the Government, and the entire powers of the sys-
tem. What was once a constitutional Federal
Republic, is now converted, in reality, into one as ab-
solute as that of the autocrat of Russia, and as des-
potic in its tendency, as any absolute Government
that ever existed.
As, then, the North has the absolute control over
the Government, it is manifest, that on all questions
between it and the South, where there isa diversity
of interests, the interest of the latter will be sacrificed
to the former, however oppressive the effects may be,
as the South possesses no means by which it can re-
sist, through the action of the Government. But if
there was no question of vital importance to the
South, in reference to which there was a diversity of
views between the two sections, this state of things
might be endured, without the hazard of destruction
to the South. But such is not the fact. There is a
question of vital importance to the Southern section,
in reference to which, tho views and feelings of the
two sections are as opposite and hostile os they can
possibly be.
I refer to the relation between the two races in the
Southern section, which constitutes a vital portion of
her social organization. Every portion of the North
entertains views and feelings more or less hostile to
it. Those most opposed and hostile, regard it as a
sin, and consider themselves under the most sacred
obligation to uso every effort to destroy it. Indeed to
the extent that they conceive they have power, they
regard themselves as .implicated in the sin, and re-
sponsible for suppressing it by the use of all and ev-
ery means. Those less opposed and hostile, regard
it as a crime—an offence against humanity, as they
call it; and although not so fanatical, feel themselves
bound to use all efforts to effect the same object;
while those wbo are least opposed and hostile, regard
to take jurisdiction, by the united votes of all parties
the agitation which followed would have b.ecn pre-
vented, and the fanatical zeal that gives impulse to
the agitation, and which has brought us to our pres-
ent perilous condition, would have become extin-
guished from the want of somethihg to feed the flame.
That was the time for the North to show her devo-
tion to the Union; but, unfortunately, both of the
great parties of that section were so intent on obtain-
ing or retaining party ascendency, that all other con-
siderations were overlooked or forgotten.
What has since followed are but the natural con-
sequences. With the success of their first move-
ment, this small fanatical party began to acquire
strength; and with that, to become an object of court-
ship to both the great parties. The necessary con-
sequence was, a further increase of power,and a grad-
ual tainting of the opinions of both of the other par-
ties with their doctrines, until the infection has ex-
tended over both; and the great mass of the popula-
tion of the North, who, whatever may be their opin-
ion of the original abolition party, which still pre-
serves its distinctive organization, hardly ever fail,
when it comes to acting, to co-operate in carrying
out their measures. With the increase of their in
fluence, they extend the sphere of their action. In a
short time after the commencement of their first move-
ment, they had acquired sufficient influence to induce
the Legislatures of most of the Northern States to
pass acts, which in effect abrogated the provision of
the Constitution that provides for the delivering up
of the fugitive slaves. Not long after, petitions
followed to abolish slavery in forts, magazines, and
dock-yards, and all other places where Congress had
exclusive power of legislation. This was followed
by petitions and resolutions of Legislatures of the
Northern States and popular meetings, to exclude
the Soutiiern States from all territories acquired, or
to be acquired, and to prevent the admission of any
state hereafter, into the Union, which, by its Consti-
tution, does not prohibit slavery. And Congress is
invoked to do all this expressly with the view to the
final abolition of slavery in the States. That has
been avowed to be the ultimate object from the begin-
ning of the agitation until the present time; and yet
the great body of both parties of the North, with the
full knowledge of the factt, although disavowing the
Abolitionists" have co-operated with them in almost
all their measures.
Such is the brief history of the agitation, as far as
it has yet advanced. Now I ask, Senators what is
there to prevent its further progress, until it fulfils the
ultimate end proposed, unless some decisive meas-
ure should be adopted to prevent it? Has any one
of the causes, whiph has added to its increase from
its original small and contemptible beginning until it
has attained its present magnitude, diminished in
force ? Is the original cause of the movement, that
slavery is a sin and ought to be oppressed, weaker
now than at the commencement ? Or is tho aboli-
tion party less numerous or influential, or have they
less influence or control over the two great parties of
the North in elections 1 Or has the South greater
means of influencing or controlling the movements
of this Government now, than it had when the agi-
tation commenced ? To all these questions but one
answer can be given: No, no, no,. The very re-
verse is true, Instead of being weaker, all the ele-
ments in favor of agitation are stronger now than
they were in 1835, when the agitation first com-
menced, while all the elements of influence on the
part of the South are weaker. Unless something
decisive is done, I again ask, what isto stop this agi-
tation, before the great and final object at which it
aims—the abolition of slavery in the States—is com-
summated ? Is it, then, not certain, that if some-
thing decisive is not now done to arrest it, the South
will be forced to choose between abolition and se-
cession ? Indeed, as events are now moving, it will
not require the South to secede to dissolve the Uni-
on. Agitation will of itself effect it, of which its
past history furnishes abundant proof, as I shall next
proceed to show.
It is a great mistake to suppose that disunion can
be effected by a single blow. The chords which
bound these States together in one common Union
are far too numerous and powerful for that. Disuni-
on must be the work of time. It is only through a
long process, and in succession, that the cords can
¡nations, but extend to plans for disseminating
the Bible, sending out missionaries, distributing
tracts, and establishing presses for the publica-
tion of tracts, newspapers and periodicals, with
a view ot'diffusing religious information, and for
the support of the doctrines andcreed of the de-
nomination All theso combined, contributed
greatly to strengthen the bonds of the Union.—
The sirong ties which held each denomination
together, formed a strong cord to hold the Union
together; but as powerful as they were, they
have not been able to resist the explosive effect
of the slavery agitation.
The first of these cords which snapped, under
its explosive force, was that of the powerful Meth-
odist Episcopal Church. The numerous and
strong ties which held it together, ares, all broke,
and its unity gone. They now form ,seperate
churches; and instead of that feeling of attach-
ment and devotion to the interests of the whole
church which was formerly felt, they are now
arrayed into two hostile bodies, engaged in liti-
gation about what was formerly their common
property.
The next cord that snapped was that of the Bap-
tists, one of the largest and most respectable of
the denominations. That of the Presbyterian is
not entirely snapped,but somoaof its strands have
given way. That of the Episcopal Church is
the only one of the four great Protestant denom-
inations which remains unbroken and entire.
The strongest cord of a political character,
cosists of the many and strong ties that have held
together the two great parties which have, with
some modifications, existed from the beginning
oí the Government. They both extended to ev-
ery portion of the Union, and strongly contribu-
ted to hold all its parts together. But this pow-
erful cord has fared no better than the spiritual.
It resisted for a long time the explosive tenden-
cy of the agitation, but has finally snapped under
4te.ff>rri ....if not, in a great measure.—
Nor is there one of tfie remauaSg"CtTrSs
have not been greatly weakened. To this ex-
tent the Union has already been destroyed by
agitation, in the only way it can be snapping
asunder and weakening the cords which bind it
together.
If the agitation goes on, the same force, ac-
ting with increased intensity, as has been shown
will finally snap eveiy cord, when nothing will
be left to hold the States together except force.
But, surely, that can, with no propriety of lan-
guage, be called a Union when the only means
by which the weaker is held connected with the
stronger portion, is force. It may, indeed, keep
them connected; but the connection will partake
much more of the character of subjagation on
the part of the weaker to the stronger, than the
union of free, independent and sovereign States,
in one Federal Union. As they stood in tho
early stages of the Government, and wliich only
is worth the sacred name of Union.
Having now, Senators, explained what it is
that endangers the Union, and traced it to its
cause, and explained its nature and character,
the question again recurs: How can the Union
be saved? To this, I answer, there is but one
way by which it can be, and that is by adopting
such measures as will sattisfy the States belong-
ing to the Southern section that that they can re-
main in the Union consistently with their honor
and their safety. There is again, only one way
by which that can be effected, and that is by re-
moving the cause by which this belief has been
produced. Do that, and discontent will cease,
harmony and kind feelings between ¿he sections
be restored, and every apprehesion of danger to
the Union be removed. The question then is:
by what can this be done? But before I under-
take to answer this question, I propose to show
by what the Union cannot be saved.
It cannot, then, be saved by eulogies on the
Union, however splendid or numerous. The
cry of "Union, Union—the glorious Union!" can
no more prevent disunion than the cry of "Health
health—glorious health!" on the part of the phy-
sician, can save a patient lying dangerously ill.
So long as the Union, instead of being regarded
as a protector, is regarded in the opposite char-
acter, by not much less than a majority of the
States, it will be in vain to attempt to conciliate
them by pronouncing eulogies on it.
Besides, this cry of Union comes commonly
from those whom we cannot believe to be sin-
cere. It usually comes from our assailants.—
But we cannot believe them to be sincere; for
if they loved the union, they would necessarily be
devoted to the Constitution. It made the union,
and to destroy the Constitution would be to des-
troy the Union. But the only reliable andcer-
tain evidence of devotion to the Constitution, is,
to abstain, on the one hand, from violating it, and
to repel, on the other, all attempts to violate it.
It is only by faithfully performing those high du-
ties that the Constitution can be preserved, and
with it the Union.
But how' stands tho profession of devotion to
the Union by our assailants, when brought to the
test? Have they. abstained from violating the
Constitution.' Let the many acts passed by the
Northern States to set aside and annul the clause
of the Constitution providing for the delivering
up of fugative slaves, answer. I cite this, not
that it is the only instance, (for there aro many
others,) but. because the violation, in this partic-
ular, of the Constitution is too notorious and pal-
pable to be denied. Again: have they stood forth
faithfully to repel violations of the Constitution ?
Let their course in reference to the agitation of
tho slavery question, which was commenced and
carried on for fifteen years, avowedly for the pur-
pose of abolishing slavery in the Stat
ject all allow-to- be u.iconstitutional-
Let them show a single instance,
long period, in which they have denounced the
agitators or t^eir attempts to effect what is. ad-
mitted to be unconstitutional, or a
ure which they liav®. brought ft
purpose. How can we, with all these
fore us, believe that they are sincere
fession of devotion to the Union, or
ing their profession i* but intended to
the vigdr pf their assaults,'and to weaken the
force of our resistance'^ ' "
Nor can we regard the jSrofessioq of devotion
to the Union, on the part of those who are not
our assailants, as sincere, when they pronounce
eulogies upon the Union, evidently with the in-
dent of charging us with disunion, without utter-
ing one word of denunciation against our assail-
ants. If friends of the Union, their course
hould be to unite with us in repelling these as- -
saults snd denouncing the authors as enemies
of jthe Union. Why they avoid this, and pur-
aae tiift c&ifté tiifW-én, áj* i.3É&c:~ * ~ *"* "
jorcan the Uiwsab¿ asi ved
name of the illustrious Southerner 'whose mor-
tal remains repose on the Western bank of the
Potomac. He was one of us— a slaveholder
and a planter. We have studied his history,and
find nothing in it to justify submission to wrong.
On the contrary, his great fame, rests on the solid
foundation, that, while he was carcfol to avoid
doing wrong to others, he was prompt and desi«
ded ¡¿repelling wrong. I trust that, in this re-
spect, wo have profited by his example. Nor
can we find anything in his history to deter us
from seceding from the Union, should it fail to
fulfill the objects for which it was instituted, by
being pemanently and hopelessly converted into
the means of oppressing instead of protecting
us. On the contrary, we find much in his ex-
ample to encourage us, should we be forced to
the extremity of deciding between submission
and disunion. There existed then, as well as
now, a union—that between the parent country
and her then colonies. It was á union that had
much to endear it to the people of the colonies.
Under its protecting and superintending care,the
colonies were planted, and grow up and prosper-
ed through a long course of years, until they be-
came populous and wealthy. Its benefits we:e
not limited to them. Their extensive agricultu-
ra and other productions, gave birth to a flour-
is ling commerce, which richly rewarded the pa- ^
rent country for the trouble and expense of estab-
lishing and protecting them. Washington was
born and grew up to manhood under that union.
He acquired his ea-ly distinction in its service,
and there is every reason to believe that he was
devotedly attached to it. But his devotion was
a rational one. He was attached, not as an end,
but as a means to an end. When'it failed to
fulfill its end, and, instead of affording protec-
tion, was converted into the means of oppressing
the colonies,he did not hesitate to draw his sword
and head the great movement by which that un-
ion was forever severed, and the independence
of these States established. This was the great
aad crowning glory of his life, which has spread
TiisTSniti over the whole globe, and will transmit
it to the latest posterity.
Nor can the plan proposed by the distinguished
Senator from Kentucky, nor that oí the Admin-
istration, save the Union. I shall pass by, with-
out remark, the plan proposed by the Senator,
and proceed directly to the consideration of that
of the Administration. I, however, assure the
distinguished and able Senator, that, in taking
this course, no disrespect whatever is intended
to him or his plan. I have adopted it because
so many Senators of distinguished abilities, who
were present when he delivered his speech, and
explained his plan, and who were folly capable
to do justice to the side they support, have replied
to him.
The plan of the Administration cannot save
the Union, because it can have no effect what. '
ever, towards satisfying the States Composing the
Southern section of the .Union, that they can,
consistently with safety and honor, remain in the
Union. It is in fact but a modification of the
Wilmot Proviso. It proposes to effect the same
object—to exclude the South from all territory
acquired by the Mexican treaty. It is well
known that the South is united againsTrtie
mot Proviso, and has committed itself by solemn
resolutions, to resist, should it be adopted. Its
opposition is not to the name, but to that which
it proposes to effect. That, the Southern States
hold to be unconstitutional, unjust, inconsistent
with their equality as members of the common
Union, and calculated to destroy irretrievably the
equilibrium between the two sections. These
objections equally apply to what, for brevity,. I
will call the Executive Proviso. There is no
difference between it and the Wilmot, except in
the mode of effecting the object, and in that res-
pect I must say that the latter is much the least *
objectionable. It goes to its object, openly,
boldly, and distinctly. It claims for .Congress
unlimited power over the Territories acquired
from Mexico, by a positive prohibition of slavery.
Not so the Executive Proviso. It takes an in-
direct course, and in order to elude the Witmoi
Proviso, and thereby avoid encountering the uni-
ted and determined resistance of the South, it
denies by implication,- the authority of Congress
to legislate for the Territories, and claims the
right as belonging exclusively to (he inhabitants
of the Territories. But to effect the object of
excluding the South, it takes care, in the mean-
time, ofletting in emigrants freely, from the Nor-
thern States and all other quarters, except from
tha South, which it takes special care to exclude,
by holding up to them the danger of having théir
slaves liberated under the Mexican laws.- The
necessary consequence is to exclude the South
from the Territory, just as effectually as would
the Wilmot Proviso. The only differenoe in this
respect is, that what one proposes to effect direct-
ly and openly, the other proposes to effect indi.
rectly and covertly -
But the Executive Proviso is more objection-
able than the Wilmot, in another and more im-
portant particular. The latter, to effect its ob-
ject, inflicts a dangerous wound upon the Consti-
tution, by depriving the Southern States,, as joint
partners and owners of the Territories, of their
rights in them; but it inflicts no greater wound
than is absolutely necessary to effect its object.
The former, on the contrary, while it inflicts the
same wound, inflicts others equally great, and,
if possible, greater, as I shall next proceed to ex-
plain.
In claiming the right for the inhabitants, in-
stead of Congress, to legislate
in the Executive^Proviso ,it assumes
reignty of the Territories, is
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Jones, John. A. & Harris, T. A. The Star State Patriot (Marshall, Tex.), Vol. 3, No. 1, Ed. 1 Thursday, April 4, 1850, newspaper, April 4, 1850; Marshall, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth180347/m1/1/: accessed June 12, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.