Speech of Mr. Clay of Kentucky, in support of his propositions to compromise on the slavery question. Page: 4 of 32
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to be doing very little if we settled one question and left other disturbing questions un-
adjusted. It seemed to me to be doing but little if we stopped one leak only in the ship
of State, and left other leaks capable of producing danger, if not destruction to the ves-
sel. I therefore turned my attention to every subject connected with the institution of
slavery, and out of which controverted questions have sprung, to see if it were possible
or practicable to accommodate and adjust the whole of them.
Another principal object which attracted my attention was to endeavor to frame such
a scheme of accommodation as that neither of the two classes of States into which our
country is unhappily divided should make a sacrifice of any great principle. I believe,
sir, that the series of resolutions which I have had the honor of presenting to the Senate
accomplish that object.
Another purpose, sir, which I had in view was this: I was aware of the difference of
opinion prevailing between these two classes of States. I was aware that while a por-
tion of the Union was pushing matters, as it seemed to me, to a dangerous extremity,
another portion of the Union was pushing them to an opposite, and perhaps to a no less
dangerous extremity. It appeared to me, then, that if any arrangement, any satisfac-
tory adjustment, could be made of the controverted questions between the two classes of
States, that adjustment, that arrangement, could only be successful and effectual by ex-
acting from both parties some concession, not of principle-not of principle at all-but
of feeling, of opinion in relation to the matters in controversy between them. I be
lieve that the resolutions which I have prepared fulfil that object. I believe that you
will find upon that car ful, rational, and attentive examination of them which I think
they deserve, that by them, neither party makes any concession of prim iple at all, though
the concessions of forbearance are ample.
In the next place, in respect to the slaveholding ;Mates, there are resolutions making
concessions to them by the class of opposite States, without any compensation whatever
being rendered to them, by the non-slaveholding States.
I think every one of these characteristics which I have assigned to the measures
which I propose is susceptible of clear, satisfactory demonstration, by an attentive peru-
sal and critical examination of the resolutions themselves. Let us take up the first, sir.
The first resolution. Mr. President, as you are aware, relates to California; and
it declares that California, with suitable limits, ought to be admitted as a member of this
Union, without the imposition of any restriction, either to interdict or to introduce sla-
very within her limits. Now, is there any concession in this resolution by either
party to the other? I know that gentlemen wh> come from the slaveholding States say
that the North gets all that it desires But by whom does it get it? Does it get it by
any action of Congress? If slavery be intedicted in California, is it done by Congress,
by this Government? No, sir; the interdiction is imposed by California herself. And
has it not been the doctrine of all parties, that when a State is about to be admitted into
the Union, that State has a right to decide for itself whether it will or will not have
within its limits slavery? The great principle which was in contest upon the mem-
orable occasion of the introduction of Missouri into the Union was, whether it was com-
petent or was not competent for Congress to impose any restriction which should exist after
she became a member of the Union? \A e, who were in favor of the admission of Mis-
souri, contended that, by the Constitution, no such restriction could be imposed. We
contended that, whenever she was once admitted into the Union, she had all the rights
and privileges of any pre existing State of the Union; and tsat of these rights and privi-
leges, one was to decide for herself whether slavery should or should not exist within
her limits-that she had as much a right to decide upon the introduction of slavery, or
-upon its abolition, as New York had a right to decide upon the introduction or abolition
of slavery ; and that she stiod among her peers equal, and invested with all the privile-
ge- that any one of the original thirteen States, and those subsequently admitted, had a
right to enjoy.
And so I thought that those who have been contending with so much earnestness
and with so much perseverance for the Wilmot Proviso, ought to reflect that even if they
cauld carry their object, and adopt the Wilmot Proviso, it would cease the moment any
State to whose territory it was applicable came to be admitted as a member of the
Union. No one contends now-no one believes-that with regard to the northwes.
tern -tates, to which the ordinance of 1797 was applied-Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and
Mihigan-no one now believes that any one of those tates, if they thought proper to
do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her boders as Virginia has
a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers.
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Clay, Henry, 1777-1852. Speech of Mr. Clay of Kentucky, in support of his propositions to compromise on the slavery question., pamphlet, 1850; (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth497877/m1/4/?q=%22Social%2bLife%2band%2bCustoms%2b-%2bSlavery%22: accessed June 12, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting Schreiner University.